Draft:Border Controls in the Mediterranean

• Comment: The topic of migration and border controls in the Mediterranean is a notable one, but this article doesn't seem organized, neutral or focused enough for a Wikipedia article.
  It might help to take some time to think about the scope of article you want to write and see what related Wikipedia articles are like in terms of structure. I think there's potential here but it might take a little work to get there. BuySomeApples (talk) 03:13, 13 January 2024 (UTC)

• Comment: This reads NOTHING like a potential encyclopaedia. Theroadislong (talk) 21:05, 31 December 2023 (UTC)

• Comment: "This article presents..." you are NOT writing an essay for college here! Theroadislong (talk) 19:27, 31 December 2023 (UTC)

• Comment: This is written like an essay and user has said on my talk page that "this is for a degree project". It will need a complete re-write before being acceptable as an encyclopaedia article. Theroadislong (talk) 22:44, 30 December 2023 (UTC)

• Comment: Also written in a VERY promotional tone. Theroadislong (talk) 22:42, 29 December 2023 (UTC)

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The Mediterranean border crossings have increasingly become a major topic in political debate, especially with the 2015 "migration crisis", which pushed many EU countries to take more populist policies in an aim to protect their states. The complex relationship between humanitarian and immigration policies has led to the securitisation of the migrant and of SAR NGOs and is evidenced by EU policies and Frontex's goals. The EU-Africa relationship also displays the securitisation of migrants due to the economic benefits promised, in forms such as capital and vessels, to those states that limit the introduction of migrants to EU-Mediterranean borders.

Frontex

As of 2014, Frontex has been the Mediterranean's leading force on border controls. Their operation, Triton, in conjunction with the Italian Navy, took over from the Navy's Mare Nostrum operation, pivoting focus toward border controls. Mare Nostrum had previously stated itself as a humanitarian effort to save lives in the Mediterranean. Whereas, Triton's new area of focus is evident by its significantly reduced area of effect, just 30 miles off the coast of Mediterranean states. In comparison to Mare Nostrum, whom officially only covered the Strait of Sicily although in reality, operated throughout the Mediterranean on humanitarian missions. Triton, was subsequently followed by Operation Themis in 2018, which expanded its area of effect to the whole Central Mediterranean but now takes a proactive approach in law enforcement, searching for criminal activities in the area.

Frontex is funded entirely by EU member states and has access to EU facilities including Copernicus. Access to this programme has allowed Frontex to get up-to-date satellite images of the Mediterranean; as such, vessels in distress are able to be rescued much quicker. However, as Frontex's vessels and much of its operating systems are provided by the European Commission they are subject to EU inclination. The transition of its stated goal, in recent years, from humanitarian effort, to border control effort, to law enforcement effort mirrors the movement of EU politics. The securitization of migrants crossing this border has become ever present in European politics and now evident in its humanitarian obligations.

Securitisation and criminalisation

The following are examples of securitization in EU politics.

In 2009 Silvio Berlusconi introduced his 'no tolerance' policies, citing that an influx of migrants from Libya had been the cause of an increased level of crime. The policies were in cooperation with the Libyan government and aimed to stop migrants from entering Italy by intercepting, detaining and returning to Libyan coasts. The policies were later found to be in breach of human rights laws by the European Court of Human Rights during the case Hirsi Jamaa and Others v Italy. The case had Maltese SAR intercepted and forcibly handed over to Libyan Authority resulting in migrant deaths. Following this, Italy moved to pull-back operations, still in conjunction with Libya, which aimed to stop vessels exiting Libyan waters.

Increasingly, vessels are being detained in European ports for unlawful reasons. Oftentimes authorities citing improper registration and certification as to the reasoning of detention. Such as in the case of Sea-Watch 3 in September 2022, where the boat was restricted from disembarking or leaving Reggio Calabria port and causing much distress and injury to the migrants being detained in the ship.

Europe–Africa relations

In June 2018, European Council decided a policy of non-interference with Libyan, Algerian and Eritrean coastguards. This policy is an indirect support of the series of pull-back operations that have occurred in the Mediterranean. Pull-back operations are the act of intercepting and returning migrant ships to their point of exit. This is often an illegal act as it directly opposes the principle of non-refoulement due to not vetting the migrants to see if they have the legal right of asylum. However, with the EU allowing Northern African coastguards to patrol they are allowing this practice to continue. The November 2017 detainment of Sea-Watch 3 by Libyan coastguard forces is but one such occurrence of this, resulting in over 20 migrant deaths and 2 people being sold to trafficking upon return to Libya.

Additionally, the council has the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, in which it promises economic assistance for Northern African states, specifically in support of integrated border management. Italy also provides vessels and financial support for the Libyan Navy and coastguards, despite their frequent violations of human rights.