User:Karaeng Matoaya/sandbox2

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From approximately 1600[a] to 1669, the South Sulawesi kingdom of Gowa and its junior ally Talloq (together referred to as Gowa-Talloq, Greater Gowa[4], or Makassar[5]) ruled over a far-flung empire[6][7][8] which dominated eastern Indonesia until its collapse before the Dutch East India Company and its Indonesian allies. These eight decades marked the third, greatest, and final phase of Makassar precolonial history.[1] The empire has been referred to as "arguably Indonesia's most imaginative early modern political experiment,"[9] and its rise to power as "one of the most rapid and spectacular success stories which Indonesian history affords."[5]

The Gowa dynasty may have been established around 1300. It emerged as a major power in South Sulawesi in the early 16th century with the close association of Gowa and Talloq, amplifying the power of both states by combining the agricultural power of the former and the mercantile resources of the latter. In 1593 a despotic ruler of Gowa was ousted by Karaeng Matoaya,[b] king of Talloq and an influential statesman in Gowa, who then assumed power as chancellor for the new king of Gowa. In 1605, Matoaya and the king of Gowa (since called Sultan Ala'uddin) formally converted to Islam, ushering in a new era in South Sulawesi history. The kings soon launched the Wars of Islamization (1608-1611) against their neighbors, through which Gowa-Talloq successfully both established its dominion over the entirety of South Sulawesi and converted most major kingdoms in the area to the new faith. Gowa-Talloq thus became the first state whose writ became accepted throughout South Sulawesi. Through vigorous overseas expansion, the empire's authority was also felt from Minahasa in the north to Sumba in the south and from Lombok in the west to the Aru Islands in the east.

The capital, Makassar, flourished under the rule of both Matoaya and Ala'uddin and the next generation of rulers, Karaeng Pattingalloang of Talloq and Sultan Malikussaid of Gowa. Declaring the port of Makassar to be "open to all nations",[5] its rulers defied the commercial monopolies that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had imposed. The city quickly emerged as a reliable source of fine spices for merchants seeking cheaper prices than those offered by the Dutch, as well as an entrepôt for other goods from eastern Indonesia. A thriving international community developed under royal patronage, including many Chinese, Europeans, Indians, and Malays. Gowa-Talloq in this era has been characterized an "omnivorous consumer of foreign technology and culture";[11] Karaeng Pattingalloang owned a vast library of European books and took care to procure telescopes and other scientific devices, while the production of detailed written chronicles, cannons and other firearms, brick fortifications, and coinage were all initiated or greatly expanded in this brief period.

Gowa-Talloq's policy of free trade conflicted with the VOC pursuit of monopolies on key Indonesian products. Wars were fought nearly continuously against the Dutch after 1615. However, after the 1650s the empire entered an economic and political crisis, involving changes in commercial patterns, dissension within the government, and Dutch victories at sea. In 1666 the Dutch Admiral Cornelis Speelman and the Bugis prince Arung Palakka allied to deal Gowa-Talloq a crushing defeat in the ensuing Makassar War. Gowa-Talloq refused to accept the harsh terms of the Treaty of Bungaya, the peace settlement set out in 1667, and resumed the war until late 1669 when the fortified royal citadel of Somba Opu fell to the besieging Dutch-Bugis army. With Somba Opu sacked, the governments of Gowa and Talloq soon accepted the humiliating terms of Bungaya and surrendered their extensive territories and commercial clout to the Dutch and their allies. Resistance from the remaining allies and vassals of Gowa continued into the early 1670s, but Gowa-Talloq's empire no longer existed after 1669.

South Sulawesi before 1593[edit]

Early Gowa and Talloq[edit]

With the possible exception of the Javanese-influenced Bugis kingdom of Luwuq[12] and certain cultural artifacts such as the alphabetic script introduced in the 15th century,[13] the development of early civilization in South Sulawesi appears to have been "largely unconnected to foreign technologies and ideas."[14] Pre-Islamic Gowa and its neighbors were based "on indigenous, 'Austronesian' categories of social and political thought," comparable to contemporaneous Philippine chiefdoms[15] and in some ways even Polynesian societies,[16] and can be contrasted with contemporaneous states in western and central Indonesia, such as Srivijaya and Majapahit, with their extensive Indian cultural influence.[17][18]

Major dynasties in South Sulawesi associate their origins with the tumanurung (literally "he/she who descended"[19]), a race of divine white-blooded beings who appeared mysteriously to marry mortal lords and rule over mankind.[20] Gowa is no exception. The 17th-century Gowa Chronicle specifies that the parents of the first king was the stranger-king[21] Karaeng Bayo ("King of the Bajau people"[5]), often identified with the ports of Bantaeng[5] or Sanrabone,[22] and a female tumanurung who descended on a hill now called Kale Gowa upon the request of the local people for Rewata, the supreme god, to send his representative to them.[23] The polity of Gowa was born when the Bate Salapang (Nine Banners), leaders of the local confederation, swore allegiance to Karaeng Bayo and the tumanurung in return for their recognition of the Bate Salapang's traditional rights.[21]

The tumanurung legend is generally viewed by modern archaeologists, such as F. David Bulbeck, as a mythologized interpretation of a historical event, the marriage of a Bajau potentate with a local aristocratic woman whose descendants became the royal dynasty of Gowa.[24][25] Estimates based on the length of each royal generation as preserved in dynastic genealogies suggest that the founding of the Gowa polity occurred around 1300.[26] This is supported by archaeological evidence supporting the existence of a powerful elite, such as the relatively large number of foreign ceramics found in the Kale Gowa area at this time.[27][28]

The founding of Gowa, circa 1300, is part of a dramatic shift in South Sulawesi society which ushered in what Bulbeck and Ian Caldwell (2000) refer to as the "Early Historical Period."[29] Commerce with the rest of the Archipelago increased throughout the peninsula, raising external demands for South Sulawesi rice and encouraging political centralization and the intensification of rice agriculture.[30] Population densities rose rapidly as slash-and-burn agriculture was replaced by intensive wet rice cultivation dependent on the newly introduced plow, with a large number of new settlements founded in the increasingly deforested interior of the peninsula.[31] Increased rice cultivation allowed the grain to develop from a rare delicacy to the staple of South Sulawesi,[32] displacing older crops such as sago and Job's tears.[31]Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). Early Gowa, too, was an interior agricultural chiefdom centered on rice cultivation.[28]

Karaeng Loe ri Sero's exile from Sero and founding of Talloq, late 15th century

Makassar chronicles recount that Talloq was founded as an offshoot of the Gowa dynasty at the end of the 15th century. During a succession dispute between the two sons of the sixth Gowa ruler, Batara Gowa and Karaeng Loe ri Sero, the former seized his brother's lands and Karaeng Loe left for 'Jawa.'[33] This incident was a part of a larger phenomenon of the expansion of the Gowa ruler's direct authority to the detriment of his independent or autonomous neighbors.[34] Upon his return he found that a few of his nobles had remained loyal to him. With these followers Karaeng Loe sailed to the mouth of the northern Talloq River and overwhelmed the native inhabitants, establishing the Talloq polity as a "younger brother" of Gowa. The broad outlines of the story is archaeologically supported by a marked increase in ceramics near the mouth of the Talloq around 1500.[34]

Talloq was a maritime state from its very beginnings, capitalizing on the rising quantity of trade in the region[5] and a corresponding coastal population increase.[35] Portuguese accounts suggest the existence of a Malay community in western South Sulawesi since around 1490,[36] while one source from Kelantan in the Malay Peninsula claims that a sayyid (descendant of the prophet Muhammad) had arrived in South Sulawesi as early as 1452.[c][37] Karaeng Loe himself visited 'Jawa,' perhaps referring to Malay commercial communities in coastal Sulawesi or Borneo.[d][33] His son and successor, Tunilabu ri Suriwa, "went over to Melaka, then straight eastwards to Banda. For three years he journeyed, then returned."[33] Tunilabu's wives, including a Javanese woman from Surabaya, were also affiliated with mercantile communities. The third ruler, Tunipasuruq, again voyaged to Melaka and lent money in Johor.[5][33] Talloq's commercial heritage would contribute to Makassar's rise as a great commercial center.

Gowa and Talloq in the 16th century[edit]

Older historiography has generally taken the view that the kingdom of Siang dominated western South Sulawesi prior to the emergence of Gowa as a major power.[38] This interpretation points to a 1544 account by the Portuguese merchant Antonio de Paiva which seems to imply that Gowa was a vassal of Siang; "I went to the said port, which is a large town (or city) called Gowa, which was originally of a vassal of the king of Siang and which was taken [by the king of Siang]." However, Gowa's heartland is interior farmland, not a port. Bulbeck interprets Paiva's "Gowa" as referring to a coastal port called Garassiq, which was then contested between Siang and Gowa.[39] Recent archaeological work also yields little evidence of a powerful Siang.[36] This more modern theory suggests that there was no single overlord across all of western South Sulawesi until the rise of Gowa.[39]

This status quo was broken by Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna (r. 1510/1511 - 1546), son of Batara Gowa, who is the first ruler described in detail by the Gowa Chronicle.[33] Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna is most renowned for his military achievements.[e] His conquest of the coastal principality of Garassiq, the later site of the port of Makassar, occurred possibly as early as 1511[f] and provided the hitherto landlocked Gowa polity with much greater access to maritime commerce.[42] Although Garassiq was then lost to Talloq and possibly to Siang, by the 1530s it had been reconquered and eventually became the seat of the Gowa court,[42] with the royal citadel of Somba Opu - in former Garassiq territory - possibly first constructed, albeit with earthen walls, during Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna's reign.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). Besides Garassiq, the Gowa Chronicle credits Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna with conquering, making vassals of, or levying indemnities from thirteen other Makassar states.[43] However, all of his conquests appear to have been limited to the southwestern, ethnically Makassar areas of the peninsula.[g][44]

But the most celebrated of his accomplishments is his war against Talloq, a crucial turning point in the history of both kingdoms[45] which is dated by Bulbeck to have occurred between roughly 1535 and 1544.[h] According to a number of sources, such as the Siewana Gowa Talloq ("Gowa and Talloq at War with Each Other"), hostility between Talloq and Gowa erupted into warfare when a Gowa prince abducted a Talloq princess.[47] Tunipasuruq of Talloq allied with the rulers of two nearby polities, Polombangkeng and Maros [i] to attack his cousin Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna.[45] But under the leadership of Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna and his two sons,[j] Gowa routed Talloq and its allies in the ensuing war. As the victor, Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna was then invited to Talloq, where oaths were sworn making Talloq a favored junior ally of Gowa. "The ruler of Gowa was thus publicly acknowledged as the dominant figure in the Makassarese heartlands."[45] This alliance was cemented by the large number of Talloq royal women who married Gowa kings.[50][45] Similar arrangements with Maros and, to a lesser extent, Polombangkeng ensured that the new kingdom of Gowa would command both the commercial clout of Talloq and the manpower and agricultural resources of not only Gowa proper, but Maros and Polombangkeng as well.[51]

An example of a manuscript in the Makassar script, which first saw widespread use in Gowa and Talloq during the era of Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna (r. 1510/1511-1546)

Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna's reign was also associated with internal reforms, including the widespread use of writing and the invention of the first non-territorial bureaucratic post, that of sabannaraq or harbormaster.[52] The first sabannaraq, Daeng Pamatteq, had a wide range of responsibilities, including maintaining commerce in the port of Garassiq/Makassar and heading the Bate Salapang council of nobles.[52] The expansion of the bureaucracy to incorporate multiple specialized positions were an innovation of the next ruler, Tunipalangga.[43] Besides being the first important bureaucrat in Gowa's history, Daeng Pamatteq introduced historical writing to the kingdom.[53] The Gowa Chronicle credits Tumapaqsiriq Kallonna as well with making "written laws, written declarations of war."[43] Similarly, the Talloq Chronicle states that Tunipasuruq, Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna's contemporary, was the first Talloq ruler to excel at writing.[54] Earthen walls were also built around Kale Gowa,[55] and possibly Somba Opu in Garassiq as well.[56]

The next ruler of Gowa, Tunipalangga (r. 1546-1565), was marked by military expansionism throughout South Sulawesi. The king himself was considered to be "very crafty in war [...] a very brave person."[57] The Gowa Chronicle narrates that the king was responsible for "mak[ing] smaller the long shields [and] shorten[ing] spear shafts,"[57] which would have made these traditional weapons more maneuverable.[58] Tunipalangga also first introduced many advanced foreign military technologies, such as gunpowder,[k] "great cannons", brick fortifications, and the "Palembang bullet" used for long-barreled firearms.[57] Thanks to the king's leadership and his military reforms, Tunipalangga was able to vanquish a staggering number of polities throughout the island of Sulawesi, from Toli-Toli in the northern Minahasa Peninsula to Selayar Island off the southern coast.[60] The defeated rulers were obliged to make annual pilgrimages to Tunipalangga's court in Gowa to deliver tribute and renew the ritual demonstration of submission and loyalty,[61] epitomized by Gowa's formulaic words to its vassals, "I speak and you agree."[62] By 1565 only the most powerful Bugis kingdom, Bone, remained independent of Gowa's sphere of influence in South Sulawesi.[60] Tunipalangga not only forced the submission of most of his neighbors, but also enslaved and relocated entire populations to build irrigation networks and fortifications in different areas of Gowa's extensive realm.[63][64]

The conquests may have involved the relocation of Malay merchants active in South Sulawesi to the Gowa-controlled port of Garassiq, or Makassar,[65] although this is contested by Stephen C. Druce.[66] In any case, the Malay trade in Makassar developed greatly in the mid-16th century. In order to maintain their commerce in Makassar, in 1561 Tunipalangga signed a pact with Datuk Maharaja Bonang, a Malay captain,[l] descendant of the prophet Muhammad, and a leader of "all those who wore a sarong sash," including Malays, Chams, and Minangkabaus.[67] Anakoda Bonang and his peopple were granted the right to settle in Makassar and freedom from Gowa's customary law, such as freedom from the nirapung, a practice by which the ruler confiscated the entire property of a criminal.[62][68] This ensured that the Malay presence in Makassar would no longer be seasonal and temporary, but a permanent community.[69] Tunipalangga's conquest of competing ports and shipbuilding centers in the peninsula such as Bantaeng to the south of Makassar[70] and his economic reforms such as the standardization of weights and measures, which may have been suggested by the Malay community, also facilitated Gowa-Talloq's strategy to make itself the preeminent entrepot for eastern Indonesian spices and woods.[71]

The incipient Gowa bureaucracy was greatly expanded by Tunipalangga. He relieved the sabannaraq, or harbormaster, of his non-commercial duties[72] by creating the new post of tumailalang,[m] or Minister of the Interior,[73] who meditated between the ruler and the Bate Salapang council of regional nobility.[74] Daeng Pametteq, the former sabannaraq and inventor of historical writing, was promoted to become the first tumailalang.[62] Another bureaucratic innovation was the creation of the post or posts[n] of guildmaster or Tumakkajananngang, who supervised the operation of craftsmen's guilds in Makassar and ensured that each guild would yield the services that the state demanded of them.[75][79] In tandem with these bureaucratic reforms, centralization continued apace with Tunipalangga remembered as the first to impose heavy corvee duties on his subjects.[62]

In the early 16th century the Bugis kingdom of Bone had been an ally of Gowa, with the latter sending troops east to help Bone's war against its neighbor Wajoq.[80] But concurrently with Tunipalangga's foreign campaigns, La Tenriwali, ruler of Bone, endeavored to expand his own kingdom across eastern South Sulawesi.

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Bulbeck (1992) suggests the reign of Tunipasuluq, from 1590 to 1593, as the beginning of this phase; Gibson (2007) suggests the conversion of Gowa-Talloq's rulers to Islam in 1605. Cummings (2014) argues that "we can perhaps date the beginning of Gowa's empire to the 1530s," but in Bulbeck's chronology the 1530s would be the beginning of the second, immediately 'pre-imperial' phase of Makassar history. [1][2][3]
  2. ^ Karaeng Matoaya literally means 'senior lord' and was used to contrast Matoaya with his younger nephew, Sultan Ala'uddin of Gowa. The Talloq Chronicle specifies that the king of Talloq was only referred to as Karaeng Matoaya "after the wars of Islamization" of 1608-1611. However, the Gowa Chronicle refers to the king as Karaeng Matoaya even in 1593.[10]
  3. ^ However, historian Christian Pelras believes that this account "may be not completely reliable" since this sayyid is claimed to have gone to Wajoq, in eastern South Sulawesi, even though Wajoq was still of little importance in the fifteenth century.
  4. ^ 'Jawa' is etymologically identical to the European words for the island of Java and often translated as such, but the word is in fact a general term referring to the Central and Western Archipelago and is used most often for Malays.[33]
  5. ^ Although it is consensus to accept the veracity of the royal chronicles, it has been noted that the conquests are not corroborated by Portuguese sources.[40]
  6. ^ This interpretation is rooted in the statement of the Gowa Chronicle that "He was also first to have the Portuguese come ashore. In the same year he conquered Garassiq, Melaka too was conquered by the Portuguese." Melaka was captured by the Portuguese in 1511. But this phrase may also be interpreted as suggesting that Gowa conquered Garassiq in the same year that the Portuguese arrived, and there is no evidence of Portuguese in South Sulawesi prior to the 1530s.[41][42]
  7. ^ The Gowa Chronicle mentions that Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna "conquered" Sidenreng, a Bugis kingdom. However, this probably refers to Sidenre, a minor polity of Makassar ethnicity.[44]
  8. ^ Bulbeck derives this estimate from the fact that the two sons of Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna were commanders in the war, suggesting that both were already over eighteen, and that Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna fought more wars after the subjugation of Talloq, precluding the war happening at the very end of the king's reign.[46]
  9. ^ The former was not ruled by a single monarch like Gowa or Talloq but rather a confederation of seven small polities, each believed to be descended from one of seven brothers.[48]
  10. ^ These were Tunipalangga and Tunibatta, the next two kings of Gowa.[49] Bulbeck suggests that it was the two princes, and not Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna himself, who were responsible for the victory over Talloq.[40]
  11. ^ The Talloq Chronicle states that Tunipasuruq of Talloq, who died before Tumapaqsiriq Kallonna (either in 1540 or 1543), was the first to forge muskets, suggesting that the making of firearms preceded the indigenous creation of gunpowder in Gowa-Talloq.[59]
  12. ^ 'Captain' or 'skipper' in Malay is nakhoda, explaining why he is referred to as 'Anakoda Bonang' ('Captain Bonang') in Makassar chronicles and many modern secondary sources.
  13. ^ During the reign of Tunipalangga there was apparently only one tumailalang. Later on in the century there were effectively three, a 'senior tumailalang with two 'junior' assistants.[72]
  14. ^ Bulbeck (1991, 2006) and Gibson (2005), among others, believe that the guildmaster was a single post under Tunipalangga; Reid (2000) believes each guild had one.[75][76][77] Cummings, in his translation of the Gowa Chronicle, does not see the Tumakkajananngang as a single specific post, but as a generic word for "a term or title describing those charged with supervising others who had specific tasks."[78]

Sources[edit]

Citations[edit]

  1. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1992, p. 35)
  2. ^ (Gibson 2007, p. 50)
  3. ^ (Cummings 2014, p. 215)
  4. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 2)
  5. ^ a b c d e f g (Reid 2001)
  6. ^ (Ricklefs 2001, p. 57)
  7. ^ (Cummings 2014)
  8. ^ (Cummings 2007b)
  9. ^ (Lieberman 2009, p. 859)
  10. ^ (Cummings 2007b, p. 42, 87)
  11. ^ (Lieberman 2009, p. 853)
  12. ^ (Bulbeck & Caldwell 2000)
  13. ^ (Cummings 2002, p. 44)
  14. ^ (Caldwell 1995, p. 402-403)
  15. ^ (Druce 2009, p. 32)
  16. ^ (Cummings 2001, p. 100)
  17. ^ (Caldwell 1991, p. 113-115)
  18. ^ (Pelras 1997, p. 94-95)
  19. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 12)
  20. ^ (Cummings 2002, p. 149-153)
  21. ^ a b (Cummings 2002, p. 25)
  22. ^ (Cummings 2007a, p. 1)
  23. ^ (Abidin 1983)
  24. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 32-34)
  25. ^ (Bulbeck 2006, p. 287)
  26. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 34, 473, 475, among others)
  27. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 231)
  28. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1993)
  29. ^ (Bulbeck & Caldwell 2000, p. 107)
  30. ^ (Druce 2009, p. 34-36)
  31. ^ a b (Pelras 1997, p. 98-103)
  32. ^ (Bulbeck & Caldwell 2008)
  33. ^ a b c d e f (Cummings 2007a, p. 2-5, 83-85)
  34. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1992, p. 430-432)
  35. ^ (Bulbeck 1993)
  36. ^ a b (Druce 2009, p. 237-241)
  37. ^ (Pelras 1994, p. 135-136)
  38. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 19-20)
  39. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1992, p. 123-125)
  40. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1992, p. 117-119)
  41. ^ (Cummings 2007a, p. 33)
  42. ^ a b c (Bulbeck 1992, p. 121-127)
  43. ^ a b c (Cummings 2007a, p. 32-33)
  44. ^ a b (Druce 2009, p. 241-242)
  45. ^ a b c d (Cummings 2014, p. 215-218)
  46. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 117-118)
  47. ^ (Cummings 1999)
  48. ^ (Cummings 2002, p. 152)
  49. ^ (Cummings 2007a, p. 32-33, 36)
  50. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 127-131)
  51. ^ (Cummings 2002, p. 28)
  52. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1992, p. 105-107)
  53. ^ (Cummings 2001, p. 216)
  54. ^ (Cummings 2002, p. 85)
  55. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 208)
  56. ^ (Bulbeck 1992, p. 317)
  57. ^ a b c (Cummings 2007a, p. 33-36, 56-59)
  58. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 25-26)
  59. ^ (Cummings 2007a, p. 85)
  60. ^ a b (Bulbeck 1991, p. 120-121, also Figure 4-4)
  61. ^ (Cummings 2014)
  62. ^ a b c d (Cummings 2007a, p. 34)
  63. ^ (Druce 2009, p. 242-243)
  64. ^ (Gibson 2005, p. 152-156)
  65. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 26)
  66. ^ (Druce 2009, p. 242)
  67. ^ (Sutherland 2004, p. 79)
  68. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 27)
  69. ^ (Cummings 2014, p. 219-221)
  70. ^ (Bougas 1998, p. 92)
  71. ^ (Andaya 2011, p. 114-115)
  72. ^ a b (Cummings 2001, p. 112)
  73. ^ (Gibson 2007, p. 45)
  74. ^ (Bulbeck 1991, p. 107)
  75. ^ a b (Gibson 2005, p. 45)
  76. ^ (Bulbeck 1991, p. 108-109)
  77. ^ (Reid 2000, p. 69)
  78. ^ (Cummings 2007a, p. 34, 207)
  79. ^ (Bulbeck 2006, p. 292)
  80. ^ (Andaya 1981, p. 23)

References[edit]

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