Later-no-harm criterion: Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|Property of electoral systems}}
{{Short description|Property of electoral systems}}
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{| class="wikitable sortable floatright"
{| class="wikitable sortable floatright"
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|Yes
|Yes
|-
|-
|[[#Minimax|MMPO]]
|[[Minimax|Minimax Opposition]]
|Yes
|Yes{{NoteTag|Minimax can occasionally violate later-no-harm if tied ranks are allowed.|name=m}}
|-
|-
|[[Descending solid coalitions]]
|[[Descending solid coalitions]]
|Yes
|Yes
|-
|-
|[[#Anti-plurality|Anti-plurality]]||Yes
|[[Anti-plurality|Anti-plurality]]||Yes
|-
|-
|[[#Approval voting|Approval voting]]||No
|[[Approval voting|Approval voting]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Borda count|Borda count]]||No
|[[Borda count|Borda count]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Dodgson's method|Dodgson's method]]||No
|[[Dodgson's method|Dodgson's method]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Copeland|Copeland's method]]||No
|[[Copeland|Copeland's method]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Kemeny–Young method|Kemeny–Young method]]||No
|[[Kemeny–Young method|Kemeny–Young method]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Ranked_pairs|Ranked Pairs]]||No
|[[Ranked_pairs|Ranked Pairs]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Schulze method|Schulze method]]||No
|[[Schulze method|Schulze method]]||No
|-
|-
|[[#Score voting|Score voting]]||No
|[[Score voting|Score voting]]||No
|-
|-
|[[Graduated majority judgment|Majority judgment]]
|[[Graduated majority judgment|Majority judgment]]

Revision as of 00:53, 9 May 2024

Voting system
Name Comply?
Plurality Yes[note 1]
Two-round system Yes
Nonpartisan primary Yes
Partisan primary Yes
Instant-runoff voting Yes
Minimax Opposition Yes
Descending solid coalitions Yes
Anti-plurality Yes
Approval voting No
Borda count No
Dodgson's method No
Copeland's method No
Kemeny–Young method No
Ranked Pairs No
Schulze method No
Score voting No
Majority judgment No

The later-no-harm property is a property of some voting systems first described by Douglas Woodall, who defined it as saying that increasing the rating of a later candidate should not hurt a candidate placed earlier on the ballot.[1] For example, say a group of voters have ranked Alice 1st and Bob 3rd. Then, later-no-harm says that if this group increases Bob's rating from 3rd-place to 2nd, this will not allow Bob to defeat Alice.

Later-no-harm is often confused with resistance to a kind of strategic voting called truncation or bullet voting; however, such strategies are also effective in instant-runoff voting, along with other systems that pass later-no-harm but fail positive responsiveness.[2][3]

Later-no-harm is a defining characteristic of plurality and similar systems that compare remaining candidates by how many ballots consider each candidate their "favorite". In later-no-harm systems, the results either do not depend on lower preferences at all (as in plurality) or only depend on them in situations where all higher preferences have been exhausted (as in instant-runoff voting). This tends to favor candidates with strong-but-narrow support over consensus candidates, which can lead to a phenomenon known as center-squeeze.[4]

By contrast, systems that do not satisfy later-no-harm, such as cardinal and Condorcet methods, tend to favor consensus options (broad, moderate support) over pluralitarian ones (narrow, strong support).[4] Later-no-harm systems are unable to consider weak (secondary) preferences when comparing candidates early on, leading to a phenomenon called center squeeze.[4] This has led many social choice theorists to question whether the property is desirable in the first place or should instead be seen as a negative (anti-criterion).[2][5]

Later-no-harm methods

The plurality vote, two-round system, instant-runoff voting, and descending solid coalitions satisfy the later-no-harm criterion.

Plurality voting is considered to satisfy later-no-harm because later preferences are not taken into account at all; thus, plurality can be thought of as a ranked voting system where only the first preference matters.

Non-LNH methods

Nearly all voting methods other than first-past-the-post do not pass LNH, including score voting, highest medians, Borda count, and all Condorcet methods. The Condorcet criterion is incompatible with later-no-harm (assuming the resolvability criterion, i.e. any tie can be removed by some single voter changing their rating).[1]

Plurality-at-large voting, which allows the voter to select multiple candidates, does not satisfy later-no-harm when used to fill two or more seats in a single district.

Examples

Anti-plurality

Anti-plurality elects the candidate the fewest voters rank last when submitting a complete ranking of the candidates.

Later-No-Harm can be considered not applicable to Anti-Plurality if the method is assumed to not accept truncated preference listings from the voter. On the other hand, Later-No-Harm can be applied to Anti-Plurality if the method is assumed to apportion the last place vote among unlisted candidates equally, as shown in the example below.

Borda count

Copeland

Schulze method

Criticism

Douglas Woodall writes:

[U]nder STV the later preferences on a ballot are not even considered until the fates of all candidates of earlier preference have been decided. Thus a voter can be certain that adding extra preferences to his or her preference listing can neither help nor harm any candidate already listed. Supporters of STV usually regard this as a very important property,[6] although it has to be said that not everyone agrees; the property has been described (by Michael Dummett, in a letter to Robert Newland) as "quite unreasonable", and (by an anonymous referee) as "unpalatable".[7]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Plurality voting can be thought of as a ranked voting system that disregards preferences after the first; because all preferences other than the first are unimportant, plurality passes later-no-harm as traditionally defined.

References

  1. ^ a b Douglas Woodall (1997): Monotonicity of Single-Seat Election Rules, Theorem 2 (b)
  2. ^ a b "Later-No-Harm Criterion". The Center for Election Science. Retrieved 2024-02-02.
  3. ^ Graham-Squire, Adam; McCune, David (2023-06-12). "An Examination of Ranked-Choice Voting in the United States, 2004–2022". Representation: 1–19. arXiv:2301.12075. doi:10.1080/00344893.2023.2221689. ISSN 0034-4893.
  4. ^ a b c Hillinger, Claude (2005). "The Case for Utilitarian Voting". SSRN Electronic Journal. doi:10.2139/ssrn.732285. ISSN 1556-5068. S2CID 12873115. Retrieved 2022-05-27.
  5. ^ Woodall, Douglas, Properties of Preferential Election Rules, Voting matters - Issue 3, December 1994
  6. ^ The Non-majority Rule Desk (July 29, 2011). "Why Approval Voting is Unworkable in Contested Elections - FairVote". FairVote Blog. Retrieved 11 October 2016.
  7. ^ Woodall, Douglas, Properties of Preferential Election Rules, Voting matters - Issue 3, December 1994
  • D R Woodall, "Properties of Preferential Election Rules", Voting matters, Issue 3, December 1994 [1]
  • Tony Anderson Solgard and Paul Landskroener, Bench and Bar of Minnesota, Vol 59, No 9, October 2002. [2]
  • Brown v. Smallwood, 1915