Al-Shabaab (militant group)

Not to be confused with Al-Shabaab (Mozambique).

Al-Shabaab
حركة الشباب المجاهدين
Seal Logo Jihadist flag used by al-Shabaab
Leaders	Ahmad Umar (2014–present) Ahmed Godane † (2007–14)
Dates of operation	2006–present
Headquarters	Kismayo (2008–12) Barawe (2012–14) Jilib (2014–present)
Active regions	Somalia Kenya Ethiopia
Ideology	Salafi jihadism Qutbism Islamism Anti-zionism
Size	7,000–12,000 (2022 estimate)
Part of	Al-Qaeda
Opponents	State opponents: Australia Canada Djibouti Ethiopia Italy Kenya Norway Somalia Somaliland Tanzania Uganda Turkey United Kingdom United States Non-state opponents: African Union European Union NATO ASWJ Islamic State
Battles and wars	Somali Civil War Somalia War (2006–2009) Somali Civil War (2009–present)

Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (HSM; Arabic: حركة الشباب المجاهدين, romanized: Ḥarakat ash-Shabāb al-Mujāhidīn, Somali: Xarakada Mujaahidiinta Alshabaab, lit. 'Mujahideen Youth Movement' or 'Movement of Striving Youth'), more commonly known as al-Shabaab, is an Islamic insurgence group based in Somalia and active in East Africa, most prominently in the ongoing Somali Civil War. Though its membership incorporates Somali nationalist elements, al-Shabaab's central aims are Salafi jihadist. Allegiant since 2012 to the militant pan-Islamist organization al-Qaeda, it has also been suspected of ties to Boko Haram and al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb.

Formed in the mid-2000s as part of the Islamic Courts Union, al-Shabaab came to prominence during the 2006–2009 Somalia War, in which it presented itself as a vehicle for armed resistance against Ethiopian occupation. In subsequent years, it became a dominant force in south and central Somalia, defending large swathes of territory from the African Union Mission to Somalia and the Federal Government of Somalia, as well as from the latter's transitional predecessor. The group has also clashed frequently with the Somali Sufi militia Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a. Al-Shabaab gained international prominence due to its recruitment of foreign fighters, including from Western countries. Countries including the United States, the United Kingdom, and the United Arab Emirates have designated it as a terrorist organization, and the United States has intervened militarily against the group.

Between 2011 and 2013, a coalition of mainly East African forces, led by the Somali government, wrested significant territory from al-Shabaab, including in the capital city, Mogadishu. Over the same period, the group was afflicted with internal conflict over its leadership and ideological direction, which intensified when, in February 2012, al-Shabaab's leadership pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda. It faced further military losses in 2014, as a result of Operation Indian Ocean and of the killing by American drone strike of Ahmed Abdi Godane, al-Shabaab's leader. For several years thereafter, al-Shabaab retreated from the major cities, while remaining influential in many rural areas, and prioritised guerrilla and terror attacks over territorial acquisitions. It is responsible for many high-fatality attacks, including the 2013 Westgate shopping mall attack in Nairobi, Kenya, the October 2017 Mogadishu bombings, and the December 2019 Mogadishu bombing. It is active not only in Somalia but also in other East African countries, especially Kenya and occasionally Ethiopia. Attendant to its recent resurgence, it was estimated to have increased its combat strength to between 8,000 and 15,000 fighters in February 2022.

Name

Al-Shabaab is also known as Ash-Shabaab, Hizb al-Shabaab ("Party of the Youth") and as the Popular Resistance Movement in the Land of the Two Migrations (PRM) (Arabic: حركة المقاومة الشعبية في بلاد الهجرتين). The term al-Shabaab means "the youth" in Arabic.

Organisation and structure

Origins

Although it is unclear when al-Shabaab was formed, it is understood to have originated as a wing of the the Islamic Courts Union, an umbrella group which provided de facto governance in much of Somalia until the country was invaded by Ethiopia in December 2006. In 2007–8, al-Shabaab established itself as an independent actor, gaining prominence as a vehicle of armed resistance to Ethiopian occupation in the War in Somalia. Many of its early leaders and members previously belonged not only to the Islamic Courts Union but to the older al-Ittihad al-Islamiya, a group founded on the tenets of Salafism and opposition to clannism.

Ideology

According to the International Crisis Group, Salafism has been the core unifying principle of al-Shabaab, although this principle is not interpreted uniformly by the group's members and leaders. In particular, al-Shabaab officially and generally advocates a form of Salafi jihadism with transnational aims, linking Somali nationalist and local grievances to the plight of Muslims worldwide. In this framework, incursions into Somalia by Ethiopia – and later by Kenya, the United States, and others – are viewed as continuous with non-Muslim acts of aggression in other Muslim-majority countries. However, this globalist ideological framework is not universal within the group, a division which has sometimes encouraged factionalism and internal conflict. Much of al-Shabaab's Somali support base is fiercely nationalist, and sees as its primary goal the establishment of a stable Islamic state inside Somalia. Other domestic supporters are concerned primarily with clan-related and local objectives, and are therefore prone to infighting and shifting alliances.

However, these ideological differences can accommodate broad opposition within the group to common adversaries – notably opposition to external intervention in Somalia, often publicly expressed in quasi-Qutbist terms; and opposition to the internationally recognised Somali government, which, lacking a basis in religious (Sharia) law, is seen to lack legitimacy. Al-Shabaab hardliners broadly adhere to a Takfiri interpretation of the principle of al-wala' wal-bara' (lit. 'loyalty and disavowal'), insofar as it prescribes dissociation from non-Muslims and those perceived as apostates. Al-Shabaab has also persecuted Somalia's small Christian minority; and, having desecrated a Sufi mosque and graves on the basis that Sufism is incompatible with Sharia, has clashed with the Sufi militias of Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a. In addition, its statements have expressed anti-Zionist sentiment, and the group claimed that its 2019 DusitD2 complex attack was retaliation against the declaration of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.

Membership

Al-Shabaab's composition is multi-ethnic, with its leadership positions mainly occupied by Afghanistan- and Iraq-trained ethnic Somalis and foreigners. According to the National Counterterrorism Center, the group's rank-and-file members hail from disparate local groups, sometimes recruited by force.

Al-Shabaab’s leaders and commanders are mainly from the Hawiye clan, which is one of the largest clans in Somalia.

In February 2012, Fu'ad Mohamed Khalaf Shongole, the chief of awareness raising of al-Shabaab, said that "At this stage of the jihad, fathers and mothers must send their unmarried girls to fight alongside the (male) militants". The addition of elders and young girls marks a change in the movement, which had previously involved only men, particularly young boys.

The membership of al-Shabaab also includes various foreign fighters from around the world, according to Islamic hardliner Mukhtar Robow "Abu Manssor".

Many of al-Shabaab's foot soldiers also belong to Somalia's marginalized ethnic minorities from the farming south.

Size and structure

In 2017, observers estimated that al-Shabaab comprised between 7,000 and 9,000 fighters. In 2018, the Council of Foreign Relations and United States military revised this figure downwards, estimating 3,000 to 6,000 and 4,000 to 6,000 respectively. Reflecting an apparent al-Shabaab resurgence, the United States Africa Command estimated 5,000 to 10,000 fighters two years later, in 2020. Most recently, an expert report submitted to the United Nations Security Council in early February 2022 estimated that al-Shabaab's fighting force had grown to between 7,000 and 12,000 fighters. The group is led by a shura council of senior leaders, appointed and assigned portfolios by the emir, and operates several internal security organs, including an intelligence agency, Amniyat, and a police force, Jeysh Al-Hisbah.

History

Main article: Timeline of al-Shabaab-related events

See also: Somali Civil War (2009–present)

2006–09: Ethiopian incursion

Main article: Somalian War

Al-Shabaab rose to prominence as a relatively well-organised militia, garnering popular support from Somalis sympathetic to their opposition to the Ethiopian invasion: though the invasion had fractured the Islamic Courts Union, it galvanised nationalism on which al-Shabaab capitalised, especially for recruitment purposes. In the military arena, al-Shabaab suffered key losses during offensives by the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), which was established in 2007, but during this phase "put down the roots of an enduring insurgency", establishing networks and territorial bases concentrated in rural south-central Somalia.

2009–10: Dominance in the south

Having made important territorial gains from mid-2008, al-Shabaab increasingly focused its attention on opposition to the Somali Transitional Federal Government, as the Ethiopian-led war segued into the next phase of the protracted Somali Civil War. By 2009–10, al-Shabaab controlled most of central and southern Somalia (south of the autonomous region of Puntland), and it had formed administrative structures to govern territories under its control. It had particular success building relationships with local leaders in order to build cross-clan coalitions, combining its principled anti-clannism with a "pragmatic clannism": a willingness to manipulate clan networks and exploit inter-clan politics.

2011–13: Internal and external challenges

In subsequent years, however, al-Shabaab's strong position was significantly weakened, as – in the context of a famine in the region and, simultaneously, a military offensive against the group – the group experienced territorial and strategic setbacks in the military arena; an internal struggle over the group's direction and leadership; and, in response to both, a wave of high-profile defections.

Over 200 al-Shabaab fighters surrender to AMISOM, September 2012.

Territorial losses

The group's military fortunes turned with the failure of the August 2010 Ramadan offensive – the inauguration of the Battle of Mogadishu – which resulted in heavy al-Shabaab losses. By August 2011, al-Shabaab had announced a "strategic withdrawal" from Mogadishu, although, from outlying districts, it continued to exert influence in the city and to launch deadly guerrilla attacks against AMISOM and the TFG. In October and November 2011, Kenya and Ethiopia – partnering with local militias – launched offensives against al-Shabaab strongholds: Kenya's Operation Linda Nchi on the southern front, while Ethiopia approached from the west. The group lost territory to both armies, including Baidoa to Ethiopia in February 2012 and the port city (and revenue hub) of Kismayo to Kenya in October 2012. Military pressures on the group were sustained into 2013.

Drought, al-Qaeda, and internal struggle

Some al-Shabaab members viewed the 2010 Ramadan offensive as disastrously ill-conceived, and subsequent territorial losses galvanised internal opposition to the leadership of Ahmed Abdi Godane, who was publicly named the group's emir in December 2007. As a severe drought afflicted the region, critics opposed al-Shabaab's response to the resulting famine, particularly its obstruction of foreign humanitarian aid to populations in its territories (see below) – and more broadly its use of violence and authoritarian governance style – which they argued were causing the group to lose public support. Some suggested that these leadership missteps were the result of Godane's lack of clan roots, which they said led him to undervalue the lives both of civilians and of al-Shabaab fighters.

File:Ahmed Abdi Godane.jpg

Al-Shabaab's emir, Ahmed Abdi Godane, faced strong internal opposition in 2011–2013.

These criticisms became intertwined with a broader and pre-existing dispute over the increasingly globalist flavour of al-Shabaab's ideology – Godane was among the faction which viewed Somalia as only one battleground of global jihad. Godane's announcement in February 2012 of a merger with al-Qaeda (see below) thus also met opposition. Other senior al-Shabaab members met at a conference in Baidabo, and outlined a policy programme which diverged from Godane's: they rejected Godane's proposal to change the group's name to al-Qaeda in East Africa, and resolved to focus on domestic issues rather than global jihad. They also resolved to establish a national shura of Islamic clerics, independent of al-Qaeda control. Hassan Dahir Aweys, who had previously criticised Godane's handling of the famine, declared that, "Al-Shabaab and al-Qaeda are merely a small part of the larger Islamic group and al-Qaeda's ideology should not be viewed as the sole, righteous path for Islam."

In 2013, internal rifts led to internecine violence as Godane effected what was virtually a purge of his critics – generally associated with the leadership of Aweys and Mukhtar Robow. Among those killed were Ibrahim al-Afghani and three other senior commanders, executed in June; and Omar Shafik Hammami, killed in September. Journalist Simon Tisdall viewed the September 2013 Westgate shopping mall shooting in Nairobi, Kenya as a reflection of the internal power struggle, with Godane's hardline globalist faction seeking to exert its authority.

Defections

From mid-to-late 2011, and into 2012, al-Shabaab faced an increasing number of defections. It was not the first wave of such defections: in particular, in late 2009, after the Ethiopian departure from Somalia, several leaders had defected to the Somali government, citing complaints about al-Shabaab's use of suicide attacks and executions; its "false interpretations of Islam"; and its use of extortion and attitude towards foreign humanitarian aid. Such defections were viewed as strategically important to al-Shabaab's adversaries, not only for their propaganda use but because former militants could provide intelligence about al-Shabaab's combat strategy. However, according to AMISOM and the Somali government, the volume of defections in the period around 2012 was unprecedented, and indicated that al-Shabaab's cohesion and authority were deteriorating: in June 2012, the government said that around 500 al-Shabaab militants had already defected to it, and that more were doing so every day. Al-Shabaab brutalities, which alienated local populations, were again cited as central in motivating defections. On September 5 and September 22, 2012, two large contingents of al-Shabaab fighters – around 200 each time – surrendered to the government coalition in Afmadow and Garsale respectively. Another wave of defections and desertions followed Godane's 2013 purges – Aweys, for example, fled the group in mid-2013.

2013–17: Regrouping

Territorial control of Somalia as of April 2017.

In the aftermath of its territorial losses, al-Shabaab reverted to the tactics of asymmetric warfare, launching guerrilla attacks on AMISOM and government positions and territories. Southern commander Aweys announced this new strategy in a media interview shortly after the withdrawal from Mogadishu in August 2011. Al-Shabaab increasingly avoided direct military combat and large battles, in favour of "dictat[ing] the conflict's pace by undertaking smaller ambushes at locations of its own choosing". It also developed a strategy of maintaining a "semi-territorial presence" in key regions and parts of key cities: while it no longer had exclusive and military authority over substantial territory, it retained a sporadic presence, and therefore significant influence, in many places.

Nonetheless, by 2016, al-Shabaab was viewed as significantly weakened by the military campaign against it, with earlier losses compounded in 2014–15 by Operation Indian Ocean, a joint endeavour by AMISON, the Somali government, and the United States. The Somali government claimed in October 2014 that over 700 al-Shabaab militants had surrendered since September, when it offered them amnesty. Reports of further senior defections continued into 2015. Moreover, a U.S. drone strike killed Godane on September 1, 2014; he was immediately succeeded as al-Shabaab leader by Ahmad Umar. According to some reports, the importance inside al-Shabaab of global jihad, as opposed to local grievances, has waned in the aftermath of Godane's death.

2018–: Resurgence

In October 2017, more than 500 people were killed by a suicide truck bombing in Mogadishu. Al-Shabaab did not claim responsibility for the attack but was suspected of involvement. In December 2019, another suicide truck bomb marked the beginning of a series of al-Shabaab attacks on the capital city, which continued into 2022. Al-Shabaab also targeted American military personnel in an attack on a Kenyan base in January 2020, and in July 2022 launched an unusually bold, though short-lived, incursion into Ethiopian territory. By 2020, the group's strategy of semi-territorialism allowed it operate freely in much of rural Somalia, with its primary base in the Jubba River Valley; and it has recently won military successes against the government. As of 2022, al-Shabaab is generally considered to be "resurgent", a situation partly enabled by a reduction in the number of American air strikes, and possibly motivated by competition with Islamic State in Somalia, which has been conducting its own expansionary campaign.

Propaganda strategy

Media

Chorus:
Send me a cruise like Maa'lam Adam al Ansari
And send me a couple of tons like Zarqawi
And send me a drone like Abu Layth al Libi
And Special Forces like Saalih an Nabhani.

Send me all four and send me much much more
I pray for that on my way to heavens door
Send me four and send me more, that what I implore
An amazing martyrdom I strive for and adore.

— "Send Me a Cruise"
by Abu Mansoor Al-Amriki

Al-Shabaab proliferates their propaganda through various media. It operates its own radio station, Radio Andalus, and has acquired relay stations and seized other equipment from private radio stations, including some from the BBC. Presenters broadcast in Somali, Arabic, Swahili and English. Besides radio, the Internet is the most heavily utilized by al-Shabaab and other militant Islamic groups such as Al-Qaeda because it is the easiest and most cost-effective way to reach a large audience. As the Internet is especially popular with today's youth, organizations such as al-Shabaab are using online forums and chat rooms to recruit young followers. Al-Shabaab's official website, which has since been taken down, featured posts, videos and official statements in English, Arabic and Somali, as well as online classrooms to educate followers. Prior to its expulsion from Mogadishu in mid-2011, al-Shabaab had also launched the Al-Kataib propaganda television station the year before. The channel's pilot program aired the confessions of Ahmed Kisi, an alleged CIA spy who had been executed earlier in the week.

In addition, al-Shabaab also uses music to influence and appeal to young followers. According to Robin Wright, "By 2010, almost eight out of every ten soldiers in Somalia's many rebel forces were children," who are especially influenced and susceptible messages conveyed to modern, western-themed music. One of al-Shabaab's foreign-born leaders, American Omar Hammami, a.k.a. Abu Mansoor Al-Amriki, gained notoriety after an April 2009 video of him rapping about jihad. Hammami's most recent song, "Send Me a Cruise", debuted online on April 9, 2011.

In October 2013, al-Shabaab issued a propaganda video targeting several British Muslims who had spoken out against Islamist extremism, some of them explicitly against the murder of Lee Rigby. The video urged jihadists in the UK to follow the example of Rigby's killers, to arm themselves if necessary with knives from B&Q. The Muslims named in the video for "selling out" included Mohammed Shafiq, Mohammed Ansar, Usama Hasan and Ajmal Masroor.

In February 2015, al-Shabaab released another propaganda video calling for attacks on shopping malls in Canada, the UK, and the US, including the West Edmonton Mall in Alberta, Canada, and the Mall of America in Bloomington, Minnesota. Although the group had hitherto only ever launched attacks within East Africa, security at both malls was tightened in response. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police also indicated that there was no evidence of any imminent threat.

Twitter account

On December 7, 2011, al-Shabaab also reportedly began using the Twitter social media network. The move is believed to be an attempt by the group to counteract tweets by allied officials, and to serve as a venue for the dissemination of information on alleged casualties as well as a way to interact with the press. The account, HSMPress, has attracted over eight thousand followers for its witty taunts of the KDF in general and its official spokesman, Maj. Emmanuel Chirchir, with whom it has frequent exchanges, in particular.

For example, after Chirchir upbraided the Shabaab for not letting women in the areas under their control wear bras, saying life had more to offer, HSMPress retorted "Like bombing donkeys, you mean!", referring to a recent announcement by Chirchir that any large group of loaded donkeys would be considered a target. "Your eccentric battle strategy has got animal rights groups quite concerned, Major." Later, responding to Chirchir's claim that Kismayo had been captured by the KDF, HSMPress said the Kenyan "boys are a grotesque parody of an army! They can outpace ur world-class runners by far. Indeed, they 'Run like a Kenyan'". The account shows a less belligerent side with others, telling a UN official who queried "it is good when extremists or perceived extremists come out and talk[..] can we have a coffee with them too?" that "a caramel macchiato would do!"

While it is not known for certain if the HSMPress account is sanctioned by the Shabaab, both Western and African Union officials believe that it is. It has relayed information about battle outcomes that has sometimes been more accurate than its opponents, and posted pictures of authentic identity cards of missing AMISOM peacekeepers that were presumably killed in combat. The account itself is operated by a man with the nom de guerre Sheik Yoonis, who has in the past responded to press questions during telephone interviews in a "clipped British accent".

Most of al-Shabaab's messages on Twitter are in English, with authorities suggesting that they are intended for an outside audience and potential recruits in the West. Officials in the United States, where Twitter is based, are exploring legal ways to terminate the account, although they acknowledge that doing so might raise free speech concerns. Chirchir commented in a tweet of his own that such a move would be counterproductive, as "al-Shabaab needs to be engaged positively, and Twitter is the only avenue."

In January 2013, Twitter suspended al-Shabaab's English-language account. This was apparently in response to the account having issued death threats against Frenchman "Denis Allex" and subsequently posted photos of his corpse after the botched Bulo Marer hostage rescue attempt, as well as tweeting threats to kill Kenyan hostages. Al-Shabaab later opened a new Twitter account on February 4, 2013. Twitter closed the account again on September 6, 2013 for unspecified reasons. A few days earlier, on September 3, the insurgent group had used the service to claim responsibility for an unsuccessful ambush attempt against a convoy carrying Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. The militants also tweeted after the attack that the group had no other active Twitter feeds in English, and cautioned users against "parody accounts". The insurgent group also messaged that "next time, you won't be as lucky," in apparent violation of Twitter's user policies against issuing threats of violence and using the service for illicit purposes or activities. However, al-Shabaab's Arabic-language account remained open. The group later relaunched its English Twitter account on September 11, 2013.

In September 2013, Twitter suspended at least six al-Shabaab accounts after the outfit ridiculed the Kenyan government's response to the Westgate shopping mall attack in Nairobi, an attack al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for. The group later re-opened a Twitter account in December, with the explanation that "the aim is to vigorously challenge defamatory reports in the media by presenting an accurate portrayal of the current state of Jihad in Somalia and countering Western, state-sponsored propaganda machines that are paid to demonise the Mujahideen." A Somali government spokesman stated that the Somali authorities were opposed to al-Shabaab's presence on the social media website, as the group "should not be given the platform to mislead the youth".

Propaganda during Operation Lindi Nchi

After Kenya launched Operation Linda Nchi in 2011 against al-Shabaab militants in the south, al-Shabaab intensified its propaganda effort. Group members started to diversify their tactics, using various methods to demoralize the allied forces. According to the Associated Press, al-Shabaab has resorted to dressing up some of its own casualties in TFG and AU uniforms, although an African Union spokesman indicated that only two corpses of AU soldiers were unaccounted for. About half of the dead bodies were also visibly Somali, prompting eyewitnesses to suggest that they were fallen Somali government soldiers. The remainder were dressed in Burundi military uniforms and resembled non-Somali foreigners, with al-Shabaab militants displaying a Bible and some crucifixes reportedly taken from the deceased. Additionally, al-Shabaab has been conducting militia parades as a show of force in cities such as Marka.

As al-Shabaab is suffering heavy military losses, the effectiveness of their propaganda campaign to date is somewhat inconclusive. What is apparent, however, is that they are increasing their propaganda efforts without corresponding response from TFG, AMISOM and KDF forces. Al-Shabaab retreats from regions in southern Somalia and areas around Mogadishu are falsely heralded as tactical maneuvers by the militants who are facing defeat – while the allied forces remain largely muted on the success that they have made in the region.

The propaganda techniques employed by al-Shabaab show the stark contrast between militant forces and the conventional armies of AMISOM. While Shabaab forces act with impunity in regards to their guerrilla tactics, the allied forces are obligated to comply with articles of the Geneva Convention that require them to warn civilians of air raids and troop movements – oftentimes informing the very militants they intend to strike and leaving them unable to act when they observe flagrant militant activities. According to Al-Jazeera, al-Shabaab has also attempted to capitalize on the coordinated incursion by depicting itself as a resistance force fighting foreign occupiers and urged local residents to take up arms against the Kenyan soldiers.

Echoing the transition from a nationalistic struggle to one with religious pretenses, al-Shabaab's propaganda strategy is starting to reflect this shift. Through their religious rhetoric, al-Shabaab attempts to recruit and radicalize potential candidates, demoralize their enemies, and dominate dialogue in both national and international media. According to reports, al-Shabaab is trying to intensify the conflict: "It would appear from the alleged AMISOM killings that it is determined to portray the war as an affair between Christians and Muslims to shore up support for its fledgling cause... The bodies, some beheaded, were displayed alongside Bibles and crucifixes. The group usually beheads those who have embraced Christianity or Western ideals. Militants have begun placing beheaded corpses next to bibles and crucifixes in order to intimidate local populations." In April 2010, al-Shabaab announced that it would begin banning radio stations from broadcasting BBC and Voice of America, claiming that they were spreading Christian propaganda. By effectively shutting down the Somali media they gain greater control of the dialog surrounding their activities.

Local governance strategy

In territories it controls, al-Shabaab typically maintains "limited but effective" administrative control over resident populations, providing services – such as dispute resolution through Sharia-based courts – which are sometimes compared favourably to those offered in government-held territories.

Humanitarian access

In 2009, Al-Shabaab leader Ahmed Abdi Godane imposed a ban on the UN World Food Programme and Western agencies in Somalia. The ban was opposed by deputy leader Mukhtar Robow and senior member Hassan Dahir Aweys, but Godane overruled them and proceeded to forge ties with al-Qaeda.

Despite routinely expelling, attacking, and harassing aid workers, al-Shabaab permits some agencies to work in areas under its control. At the height of its territorial control it implemented a system of aid agency regulation, taxation and surveillance. Where agencies are allowed to operate, this is often due to the desire of al-Shabaab to coopt and materially and politically benefit from the provision of aid and services. Senior aid agency representatives often strongly rejected claims that they talked with al-Shabaab, while aid workers working in al-Shabaab-controlled areas often reported they directly negotiated with the group out of necessity.

Complaints made against the group include its attacks on aid workers and harsh enforcement of Sharia law. According to journalist Jon Lee Anderson:

The number of people in Somalia who are dependent on international food aid has tripled since 2007, to an estimated 3.6 million. But there is no permanent foreign expatriate presence in southern Somalia, because the Shabaab has declared war on the UN and on Western non-governmental organizations. International relief supplies are flown or shipped into the country and distributed, wherever possible, through local relief workers. Insurgents routinely attack and murder them, too; forty-two have been killed in the past two years alone.

Drought

Before the drought in 2010, Somalia, including the al-Shabaab-controlled areas, had its best crop yield in seven years. Al-Shabaab claimed some credit for the success, saying that their reduction of oversized cheap food imports allowed Somalia's own grain production, which normally has high potential, to flourish. They asserted that this policy had the effect of shifting income from urban to rural areas, from mid-income groups to low-income groups, and from overseas farmers to local farmers. However, in response to the drought, al-Shabaab announced in July 2011 that it had withdrawn its restrictions on international humanitarian workers.

Following the 2011 Eastern Africa drought, al-Shabaab adapted its propaganda strategy to accommodate the changing circumstances. In some cases, group members employed humanitarian aid as a recruitment tool, using relief supplies as bribes and as an incentive to join the militants, whose numbers had decreased due to casualties and defections. Group members dismissed the UN declaration of famine in various regions as grossly exaggerated and banned various organizations from providing aid to those regions.

In response, the Prime Minister of Somalia Abdiweli Mohamed Ali in July 2011 appointed a national committee to tackle the severe drought affecting the southern part of the country, and the following month announced the creation of a new 300-man security force. Assisted by African Union peacekeepers, the military unit had as its primary goal to protect convoys and aid from the al-Shabaab rebels, as well as to secure the IDP camps when the relief supplies are being distributed.

Although fighting disrupted aid delivery in some areas, a scaling up of relief operations in mid-November prompted the UN to downgrade the humanitarian situation in several regions from famine to emergency levels. Humanitarian access to al-Shabaab-controlled areas had also improved, and rainfall had surpassed expectations, improving the prospects of a good harvest in early 2012. In February 2012, the UN declares that Somalia has produced a bumper harvest, and that the famine is over.

Ban on single-use plastic bags

In July 2018, al-Shabaab announced a complete ban on single-use plastic bags within its territory in a broadcast in which it stated that they "pose a serious threat to the well-being of humans and animals alike", and in the same announcement, it also imposed a complete ban on the logging of several species of rare trees. Some have argued that, whilst these environmentally-conscious advances are welcome, they are overshadowed by the group's terrorist activities, whilst others have mocked the United States and other countries for taking less action on climate change than a terrorist group.

Response to COVID-19

Al-Shabaab acknowledged the existence of the COVID-19 pandemic and announced the formation of a coronavirus prevention and treatment committee. In mid-June 2020, the group announced that it had set up a coronavirus treatment centre in Jilib, about 380 km (236 mi) south of the capital, Mogadishu.

Foreign recruitment

Al-Shabaab is noteworthy in the region for its extensive recruitment of foreign fighters (see list below). These foreign recruits include members of the Somali diaspora or ethnic Somalis overseas; citizens of other East African countries; and citizens of countries further afield, including in the Middle East and the West. Non-Somali fighters have occasionally orchestrated high-profile al-Shabaab attacks, notably the 2010 Kampala bombings and 2019 DusitD2 complex attack in Nairobi. However, of greater importance to al-Shabaab are the combat experience and specialised skills of some, usually Arab foreign fighters, which have been linked to al-Shabaab's increased sophistication in producing explosives, improved sniper capability, and increased propensity to use suicide attacks. Foreign fighters may also have access to networks which improve al-Shabaab's capacity to recruit and operate in the region, and have made useful contributions to al-Shabaab's propaganda campaign: early Western recruits helped produce al-Shabaab's first English-language propaganda, and, thanks to its East African membership, Swahili remains the second most common language in al-Shabaab publications. Foreign fighters also have symbolic importance for al-Shabaab propaganda: al-Shabaab has intentionally played up the diversity of its recruits as a paean to its pan-Islamism – that is, to demonstrate that it transcends clannism and nationalism, embodying a united transnational ummah.

Peak in 2011–13

Foreign recruitment peaked in the period between 2011 and 2013, which was also the period in which the phenomenon received the most attention. The 2006 Ethiopian invasion of Somalia attracted foreign volunteers to al-Shabaab's cause, and, as of 2010, al-Shabaab included an estimated 200–300 foreign fighters, not including a further 1,000 ethnic Somalis from the diaspora. In subsequent years, al-Shabaab recruitment became a concern for the governments of both the United Kingdom and the United States. At a security conference in London in 2010, the former head of MI5, Jonathan Evans, said that "a significant number of U.K. residents" were training with al-Shabaab; the precise number of British recruits was estimated at between 50 and 100 persons. There was also evidence that the group had received funding from Somali residents in Britain. Between 2012 and 2013, several British citizens faced control orders or even criminal charges related to association with al-Shabaab.

Sweden, Denmark, Canada, and the U.S. similarly encountered evidence of citizens' affiliation with al-Shabaab. In the U.S., the U.S. Senate Homeland Security Committee heard as early as 2009 – from Michael Leiter, director of the National Counterterrorism Center – that American and other foreign fighters were being recruited and trained by al-Shabaab. In 2011, the House Committee on Homeland Security reported that more than 40 Muslim Americans and 20 Canadians had fought with al-Shabaab, and that at least 15 of those volunteers had been killed in Somalia. Later that year, a U.S. military official told the New York Times that about 30 U.S. citizens were al-Shabaab fighters. This was a resumption of an earlier trend of al-Shabaab recruitment among Americans, which previously had peaked in 2007–8. Moreover, two Somali Americans in Minnesota were convicted of illegally financing al-Shabaab. By mid-2013, observers believed that recruitment of U.S. citizens had subsided.

In general, foreign activity in al-Shabaab has decreased, first, and perhaps most importantly, because the Syrian civil war became the focal point for foreign jihadist recruitment networks. Other factors, however, were more specific to al-Shabaab. Whereas the ascendancy of Godane and his faction had partly internationalized al-Shabaab, in subsequent years, al-Shabaab became (re-)"domesticated": as it made territorial gains, its attention was increasingly consumed by local governance and the management of clan dynamics, activities in which foreign fighters – frequently mistrusted by local populations – lacked utility and influence. As the conflict, and al-Shabaab's priorities, became more localized and clan-based, they also held less appeal for foreign fighters themselves. Foreign fighters also attracted the counterterrorism efforts of foreign countries, and were sometimes suspected of disloyalty and spying by their Somali peers. A final factor arose from the internal struggle of 2011–13: as tensions between Somali and non-Somali members increased, Godane scapegoated the foreigners as the cause of the group's disunity and carried out a high-profile purge, which included the execution of various foreign recruits (see above). In addition to serving as a disincentive to foreign fighters, this shift reduced the influence of the group's remaining foreign leaders.

Current role

As of 2020, estimates of the number of foreign recruits still active in al-Shabaab ranged from 450 to 2,000. Most of those recruits are from East Africa – primarily Kenya, but also Tanzania and Uganda, all countries in which al-Shabaab recruitment networks are well entrenched. The flow of recruits from Arab countries and the West has diminished substantially since 2014, except for in the case of Yemen. Moreover, few foreign fighters hold strategically important roles in the group. Many are among the rank-and-file of the military wing. Those in leadership positions tend to have prominent, but strategically marginal or mid-level, roles – for example, in managing the group's public relations or external relations, or in supervising and training other foreign recruits. (Godane's nationalist critics, however, argue that earlier, under his leadership, foreign fighters did in fact gain significant influence over the group.) Since 2013, al-Shabaab has also established two external military units, on Godane's initiative: one, in Ethiopia, has struggled, but the other, in the Great Lakes region, has carried out several attacks in Kenya.

Relationship with other militant groups

With money from extortion dwindling in areas like Mogadishu, defections in the face of AMISOM forces, among other internal issues, al-Shabaab is turning to other militant Islamic groups for support. Al-Shabaab has declared their support to bolster their numbers, and has made a number of strategic operational ties to both Al Qaeda and AQAP in Yemen. In some cases, al-Shabaab has begun flying the Al Qaeda-Iraq banner at some of its rallies to demonstrate solidarity with the group. There are signs that al-Shabaab militants are learning from Al Qaeda's propaganda methods. "Shabaab's propaganda has increasingly been slicked up to resemble messages produced by Al Qaeda's 'As-Sahab' ('The Clouds') media wing and AQAP's Inspire magazine, including the release of rap songs by Omar Hammami." It is unclear how the death of AQAP leader Anwar al-Aulaqi and others has affected this bourgeoning relationship between the two. As is evident by their merger with Hizb-ul-Islam in December 2010, al-Shabaab is turning to former rivals for assistance as their numbers decrease due to defections and casualties directly resulting from battles with AMISOM forces.

Al-Qaeda

In a fifteen-minute video message which he recorded on February 9, 2012, Mukhtar Abu al-Zubair "Godane" announced that al-Shabaab would join the militant Islamist organization al-Qaeda, under the leadership of Ayman al-Zawahiri. Al-Zubair stated, "On behalf of the soldiers and the commanders in al-Shabaab, we pledge allegiance to you. So lead us to the path of jihad and martyrdom that was drawn by our imam, the martyr Osama." Al-Zawahiri approved of AL-Zubair's video message and welcomed al-Shabaab as al-Qaeda's Somalia-based affiliate in a 15-minute video response, stating "Today, I have glad tidings for the Muslim Ummah that will please the believers and disturb the disbelievers, which is the joining of the Shabaab al-Mujahideen Movement in Somalia to Qaeda al-Jihad, to support the jihadi unity against the Zio-Crusader campaign and their assistants amongst the treacherous agent rulers." The announcement was met with internal opposition among some factions of al-Shabaab (see above). The merger follows reports about a rift in the leadership, and it coincides with reports about large factions breaking away from al-Shabaab and up to 500 al-Shabaab fighters fleeing or leaving southern Somalia for Yemen, where a full Al Qaeda branch AQAP is stepping up its operations, based on its perception that the military pressure which it is under has increased since a new president took office. Somalia's Transitional Federal Government officially recognized the two Islamist groups as one group.

A poll which was conducted by the international market research company YouGov between 8–16 April 2012 examined the views of MENA region residents with regard to the news of the merger. The combined group evoked fear in most of the respondents, with 42% of them believing that the announcement of the merger ought to be a source of alarm for the international community; 23% of the polltakers felt very strongly about it. 45% of the respondents believed that the fusion of the two groups would enhance Al-Qaeda's ability to recruit new operatives, with 12% of the respondents predicting that the merger would strengthen the latter group's capabilities and an additional 11% of them believed that it would result in more terrorist attacks on the continent. A further 55% of the pollsters stated that they did not know how Somalia's political leaders would respond to the news of the merger, but 36% of them predicted that the Somali military would launch more attacks on al-Shabaab. 34% of the respondents also indicated that the announcement of the merger constituted a propaganda effort which was aimed at securing more coverage for the two Islamist groups, with 30% of the polltakers believing that their decision to merge shows that al-Shabaab and Al-Qaeda are both under duress.

On February 23, 2012, while Shabaab was pushed out of several strongholds, Radio Magadishu reported that 120 al-Qaeda leaders and followers fled from Kismayo to Yemen. Aweys was appointed military commander of Kismayo and the south.

AQIM and Boko Haram

According to US Army General Carter Ham, al-Shabaab, Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and the Nigeria-based Boko Haram (BH) were as of June 2012 attempting to synchronize and coordinate their activities in terms of sharing funds, training, and explosives. Ham added that he believed that the collaboration presented a threat to both U.S. homeland security and the local authorities. However, according to counter-terrorism specialist Rick Nelson with the Washington-based Center for Strategic International Studies, there was little evidence that the three groups were targeting U.S. areas, as each was primarily interested in establishing fundamentalist administrations in their respective regions. In May 2014, Senior Al-Shabab member Fuad Shongole stated that al-Shabab fighters would carry out jihad, or holy war, in Kenya and Uganda "and afterward, with God's will, to America."

Hizbul Islam

On September 24, 2012, Hizbul Islam spokesman Mohamed Moallim announced that his group was discontinuing its association with al-Shabaab, a group that he asserted his organization had only nominally united with. Moallim cited the significant political changes happening in Somalia as well as al-Shabaab's reported issuance of propaganda against Hizbul Islam as the primary reasons for his group's decision to leave the coalition. He added that his organization did not share al-Shabaab's political philosophy and that he felt the militant group had been considerably "weakened". Moallim also indicated that Hizbul Islam was open to talks with any political actors in the country working for a common good.

Islamic State

Starting in early 2015, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) released a series of videos online aimed at al-Shabaab, calling on the group to switch allegiances from al-Qaeda to ISIL's leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. By September 2015, Al-Shabab issued an internal memo aimed at pro-ISIL elements in its ranks, stating that the group's policy is to continue its allegiance to al-Qaida, and banned any discussion relating to ISIL. The group also detained some of its fighters who had voiced support for ISIL.

In October 2015, senior al-Shabaab commander Abdul Qadir Mumin and approximately 20 of his followers in the Puntland region pledged allegiance to ISIL. Further defections in al-Shabaab ranks occurred in the border region between Somalia and Northern Kenya. In November 2015, a pro-ISIL commander called Hussein Abdi Gedi was ambushed and killed, and at least 9 al-Shabaab fighters were killed in fighting between the two factions. The head of al-Shabab in the Lower Shabelle region, Abu Abdalla, gave an interview in which he said that all pro-ISIL members should leave the group or be killed.

Income

Al-Shabaab has been funded by a number of sources, including other terrorist groups. It also raises money through racketeering; piracy; kidnapping for ransom, and extortion.

In 2011, according to the head of the UN's counter-piracy division, Colonel John Steed, al-Shabaab increasingly sought to cooperate with other criminal organizations and pirate gangs in the face of dwindling funds and resources. Steed, however, acknowledged that he had no definite proof of operational ties between the Islamist militants and the pirates. Detained pirates also indicated to UNODC officials that some measure of cooperation on their part with al-Shabaab militants was necessary, as they have increasingly launched maritime raids from areas in southern Somalia controlled by the insurgent group. Al-Shabaab members have also extorted the pirates, demanding protection money from them and forcing seized pirate gang leaders in Harardhere to hand over 20% of future ransom proceeds.

Allegations of support by foreign governments

A 2006 UN report identified Libya, and Egypt, among countries in the region, as the main backers of the Islamist extremists. Egypt has a longstanding policy of securing the Nile River flow by destabilizing Ethiopia.

Eritrea

In December 2009, the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions on Eritrea, accusing the Horn of Africa country of arming militia groups and providing financial aid to them in southern Somalia's conflict zones, including al-Shabaab. Planeloads of weapons which were said to be coming from Eritrea were sent to anti-government rebels in southern Somalia. AU peacekeepers also reportedly captured some Eritrean soldiers and prisoners of war. In 2010, the UN International Monitoring Group (IMG) also published a report in which it charged the Eritrean government with continuing to provide support to rebel groups in southern Somalia, despite the fact that sanctions had already been imposed upon the nation. The Eritrean administration emphatically denied the accusations, describing them as "concocted, baseless and unfounded" and demanding that concrete evidence should be made publicly available, with an independent platform through which it may issue a response. In November 2011 the UN Monitoring Group repeated claims that Eritrea would support al-Shabaab. The report says that Eritrea gives US$80,000 each month to al-Shabaab linked individuals in Nairobi.

On July 5, 2012, the Obama administration announced the imposition of sanctions upon Eritrea's intelligence chief and the imposition of sanctions upon a high-ranking military officer who allegedly provided support to al-Shabaab. Col. Tewolde Habte Negash is accused of providing training and support while Col. Taeme Abraham Goitom is alleged to have organized armed opposition to the Somali government. The sanctions freeze all of the individual's assets which are stored in the U.S. and they also prohibit Americans from conducting business with them. On July 16, 2012, a United Nations Monitoring Group report stated that "it had found no evidence of direct Eritrean support for al-Shabaab in the past year."

Federal Government of Somalia

Officials from Somalia's federal government have been implicated in the supply of arms to Al-Shabab. In a report written by the "UN's Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group", The UN report concluded that high level officials were actively involved in arms smuggling to terrorist militants in Somalia. The Federal Government of Somalia has also been actively involved in recruiting key Al-Shabaab members into high level government positions.

Partially lifting the arms embargo in Somalia has allowed for steady flow of light arms intended to help Somalias Federal Government combat Al Shabaab Militia. Unfortunately many of these arms have been distributed by Federal Government Employees into the hands of arms dealers which then are sold in the black market, much of which is purchased by Clan Warlords and Terrorist insurgents. Furthermore, as mentioned in the UN report, High level Officials such as the Deputy Chief of Defence of the Federal Government are involved in these arms distribution "In July 2018, the Monitoring Group received, via local data collectors,testimonies from 10 arms dealers based in Mogadishu. All of them described a common practice among arms dealers of recruiting individuals to store weapons at safehouses, both within the city and on its outskirts. They acknowledged buying weapons from low-ranking members of the Somali security forces, as well as from senior commanders and Federal Government officials. While the Group was unable to independently verify this information, the accounts are consistent with information provided by other Group sources. Multiple sources, for example, reported the prevalence of unpaid members of the Somali security forces selling their weapons for subsistence. Others, including senior ranking officials within the security forces, specifically referred to the involvement of the former Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, Abdullahi Ali Anod, in the large-scale diversion of weapons imported by the Federal Government.". Members of the Federal government have also been involved in distributing Somali National Army SNA military fatigues to Al-Shabaab militants, as the UN Monitoring report states "On 22 August 2018, during an Eid festival in Jilib and Sakow in Middle Juba region, Al-Shabaab fighters were photographed wearing Somali National Army uniforms. Media reports indicated that the uniforms had been distributed by the Federal Government to the 14 October Battalion"

In the 2019 United Nations Security Council Report, the report indicated that arms allocated to the Federal Government of Somalia continue to end up in the hands of Al-Shabaab The report details that these weapons are streamlined from the Federal Government, to Local black-market arms dealers, to the terrorist organization Al-Shabaab. This presents a major security threat not only to Somalia, but to its neighbouring countries who have been effected by Al-Shabaab. "The Panel has also continued to document Federal Government arms and ammunition in the illicit sphere – including 38 weapons found in the possession of black-market dealers in Mogadishu and Baidoa – and in the possession of Al-Shabaab.". "Weapons bearing apparent Federal Government markings constituted 12 percent of the total number of weapons observed by the Panel’s local sources over the period of investigation. Testimonies received from three arms dealers in Mogadishu confirmed that weapons bearing Federal Government markings had been purchased mostly from low-ranking members of the Somali security forces, as well as from junior and senior officers and Federal Government officials. Those testimonies were consistent with the findings presented in the final report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea for 2018".

Al-Shabaab has carried out many operations using Somalia Federal Government Employees. In 2019 the Mayor of Mogadishu was killed in an explosion that was later linked to two Regional employees of Somalia Federal Government. As stated in the United Nations Security Council report "In 2019, Al-Shabaab’s infiltration of Federal Government institutions reached as high as the Benadir Regional Administration when, on 24 July, an Al-Shabaab suicide bomber detonated herself at its headquarters in Mogadishu. The Mayor of Mogadishu, Abdirahman Omar Osman “Yarisow”, and at least nine others, were killed. It later emerged that the suicide bomber, as well as an accomplice, had both been employees of the Benadir Regional Administration under falsified identities".

The Federal Government and Federal Member States have not made significant strides in improving the illegal importation of arms and explosives into Somalia. As per the UN security council "On 6 and 7 May 2021, the USS Monterey (CG 61) seized armament from a stateless dhow in the north of the Arabian Sea.123 The cache of weapons included dozens of anti-tank guided missiles, thousands of type 56 assault rifles and hundreds of machine guns, sniper rifles and rocket-propelled grenade launchers. Detailed information from the navies of Member States conducting inspections of vessels is crucial for the Panel and the Committee to better understand the flow of illicit weapons into Somalia (see recommendations)." There are many Politicians in Somalia who are benefactors of the current illegal arms flow into the Country. This further cripples any progress undertaken by the UN in Somalia and exacerbates nstability in the Country

On August 2, 2022; Somalia's Federal government has appointed Mukhtar Robow as The Minister of Religious Affairs. Mukhtar Robow is classified as an international Al-Qaeda terrorist and is sanctioned by the US Government

Puntland State of Somalia

According to the UN Security Council, the former President of Puntland, Abdiweli Gaas has granted amnesty to Mohamed Ahmed "Qaahiye"; An international terrorist who hails from the Puntland Region of Somalia. Qaahiye was known as a "veteran military operator" who carried out a string of operations in central and east Africa "Al-Shabaab’s presence in Puntland, in north-east Somalia, has expanded, exacerbating the challenges faced by authorities in the region. Concurrently, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) faction, largely confined to Bari region in north-east Puntland, has grown in numbers and is attracting an increasingly broad range of recruits. The ISIL faction briefly took control of the town of Qandala, on the north coast of Puntland, and carried out its first suicide attack, in Bosaso. While its capacity has remained limited, an influx of foreign fighters fleeing military pressure in Iraq, the Syrian Arab Republic and elsewhere could present a significant threat to the region. The Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea remains concerned by the continuing flow of illicit weapons into Somalia, particularly by way of the north coast of Puntland." Over the past two mandates, the UN Monitoring Group has pinpointed two passages of smuggling of arms into Puntland: larger shipments are transported by medium-size ocean-going dhows, emanating from the Makran coast of the Islamic Republic of Iran; while the smaller and more frequent shipments originate from Yemen and are typically delivered by skiffs capable of making the journey in a single day.

The United Nations Security Council Report indicated that Puntland federal state of Somalia remains the main entry point of illicit arms into Somalia. As mentioned in the UN Security Council Report "Puntland remains the primary entry point for illicit arms into Somalia; the arms are typically shipped using small-scale speedboats from Yemen" These arms are usually procured in Yemen then brought in through various ports in Puntland state such as Bosaso and Qandala. The two terrorist groups, ISIL and Al Shabaab have contested over control in taxation and extortion of Puntland businesses. "On 17 May 2019, 180 tons of explosive material, including 165 tons of Ammonium Nitrate Fuel Oil (ANFO), was delivered to Puntland, Somalia for commercial use. The explosives were intended to support the construction of Garacad port and associated road networks. However, the Panel determined that the shipment represented a potential threat to peace and security in Somalia.". "The potential threat to peace, security and stability in Somalia through the unregulated import of explosive materials was exemplified by the May 2019 import into Bosaso, Puntland, of 180 tons of ammonium nitrate/fuel oil and other explosives intended for the construction of the port of Garacad. The high risk of the diversion of such materials in Somalia led the Committee to request in April 2019 that the Panel urgently recommend technical guidelines to ensure that such items are safely stored and accounted for in the future."

Terror cells operate throughout Puntland, Somalia; many of which are well established among the Puntland business communities. Puntland remains a hotbed for arms trafficking and is a region where it's businessmen are on record wiring monies to known terrorists "The Global Initiative analyzed nearly six years of transaction records from the city of Bossasso, matching them with mobile phone records provided by security sources and database searches. The report identified 176 transactions from the last six years that it said appeared to be linked to suspected weapons dealers in Somalia and Yemen. Nearly two-thirds were over the $10,000 threshold that should trigger an automatic report to regulatory authorities." Money Transfer services that originate in Puntland are on record for transferring large sums of money between puntland arms smugglers and Al Qaeda terrorists in Yemen.

Puntland not only fuels the arms trade among Somali warlords and Terrorism in the Peninsula, but it also plays a larger role as the epicenter of illicit arms trade in East Africa. This leads to instability along the borders of Somalias neighboring Countries such as Kenya and The Republic of Somaliland. As mentioned by The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, "The ubiquity of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in Yemen, as well as centuries-old cultural and commercial ties with Somalia, has made Yemen the primary source for illicit arms among Somali importers. Consignments of small arms and ammunition from Yemen cross the Gulf of Aden in a matter of hours to the northern coast of Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in northern Somalia. The port city of Bosaso, Puntland’s largest city and commercial capital, is the financial epicentre of the illicit trade. Arms from Yemen fuel the ongoing civil conflict in Somalia, and many are believed to be transported on throughout the broader East Africa region.

International response

Terrorist designation

Countries and organizations below have officially listed al-Shabaab as a terrorist organization.

Country	Date	References
United States	29 February 2008
Australia	22 August 2009
Norway
New Zealand	10 February 2010
Canada	5 March 2010
United Kingdom	March 2010
United Arab Emirates	15 November 2014
Singapore	18 March 2016
Malaysia

Bounties

In 2012, the United States government began a new policy of offering financial rewards in exchange for information as to the whereabouts of al-Shabaab members. On June 7, the US Department of State put forth an offer totaling $33 million for the capture of seven of al-Shabaab's senior commanders, including a reported US$3–7 million (£2–4.5 million stg.) per leader. Seven million dollars of the total funds were set aside for information regarding the insurgent group's Amir or Spiritual Leader, Ahmed Godane (Abu Zubayr), with another $5 million bounty on al-Shabaab's Deputy Leader, Mukhtar Robow (Abu Mansur). Additionally, a $3 million bounty was reserved for the senior commander Zakariya Ismail Ahmed Hersi. It's reported that members of the International Bounty Hunter Union are actively hunting several members of the group including an American, Jehad Serwan Mostafa.

On June 8, Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) released an official statement expressing support for the initiative.

In response, senior al-Shabaab commander Fu'ad Mohamed Khalaf (Sheikh Shongole) issued a mock offer of his own the same day, promising ten camels to anyone possessing information on US President Barack Obama. Shongole also mockingly offered a less valuable bounty of ten cocks and ten hens for information concerning American Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

During an official state visit to Mogadishu, top US envoy Johnnie Carson dismissed al-Shabaab's counter-offer as "absurd". He also indicated that the American government would impose sanctions on anyone attempting to thwart the ongoing political process, including invoking visa and travel bans and freezing assets.

On March 21, 2013, the US Department of State announced another bounty of $5 million apiece for information on two American senior al-Shabaab commanders, Abu Mansour al-Amriki (Omar Shafik Hammami) and Jehad Serwan Mostafa.

On March 15, 2014, the US Department of State also began offering bounties of up to $3 million apiece for information leading to the arrest or conviction of the al-Shabaab senior members Abdikadir Mohamed Abdikadir, Yasin Kilwe, and Jafar. According to State Department officials, Abdikadir coordinates al-Shabaab's recruitment activities in Kenya, with Jafar acting as his deputy; Kilwe serves as al-Shabaab's Emir for the northeastern Puntland region. The bounties are part of the "Rewards for Justice" program, wherein money is issued for leads on terror suspects.

On September 27, 2014, the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) offered a $2 million reward to any individual who provides information leading to the arrest of the new al-Shabaab leader, Ahmed Omar Abu Ubeyda. According to the NISA Commander Abdirahman Mohamed Turyare, a separate $1 million would be rewarded to any person who supplies information that could result in the killing of Ubeyda. Turyare also pledged that the informers' identities would be kept private. This is reportedly the first time that a Somalia security official is offering such large dead-or-alive bounties on an al-Shabaab leader.

On April 3, 2015, the Kenyan government offered a reward of KSh.20 million/= ($215,000) for the arrest of Mohamed Mohamud, who serves as a commander of al-Shabaab operations in Kenya.

On April 10, 2015, the Federal Government of Somalia offered a $250,000 reward for the capture of al-Shabaab commander Ahmed Diriye. It also placed bounties of between $100,000 to $150,000 for information on the whereabouts or leading to the arrest of several other of the militant group's leaders, including Mahad Warsame Galay (Mahad Karate), Ali Mohamed Raage (Ali Dhere), Abdullahi Abdi (Daud Suheyb), Mohamed Mohamud Noor "Sultan", Ali Mohamed Hussein (Ali Jeesto), Mohamed Mohamud (Gama-Dhere), Hassan Mohamed Afgoye, Mohamed Abdi Muse Mohamed, Yasin Osman Kilwa and Abdullahi Osman. Additionally, the federal government indicated that any leads forwarded to it vis-a-vis the wanted insurgent commanders would be kept strictly confidential.

List of leaders

Former leader Mukhtar Robow, also known as Abu Mansur, denounced al-Shabaab in 2017.

Emirs

• Ahmad Umar (2014–present)

• Ahmed Godane † (2007–14)

Other leaders

Former leading members of al-Shabaab include:

• Hassan Dahir Aweys
• Mohamed Said Atom
• Mukhtar Robow
• Aden Hashi Farah Ayro †
• Ibrahim al-Afghani †
• Hassan Abdullah Hersi al-Turki †

Other senior members have been killed in armed clashes or by American drone strikes, including in 2014, 2015, and 2020.

The table below contains a non-exhaustive list of current leading members:

Name	Role
Fuad Mohammed Khalaf "Shangole"	second-most important leader. In charge of public affairs. (Awrtabe sub-clan of Darod)
Hussein Ali Fidow	political chief and Wasiir (Prime Minister)
Ali Mohamud Raghe "Dheere" a.k.a. Sheikh Ali Mohamud Rage a.k.a. Sheikh Ali Dhere	current Deputy Amir. He is from Hawiye Murusade clan. Official spokesman. (Not to be confused with the Sheikh Ali Dhere who established the first Islamic court in Mogadishu in 1996.)
Hassan Yaqub Ali	was official spokesman of the Kisimayo administration but currently he is Waali (governor) of Gal-Mudug. (Rahanwayn clan)
Abdirahman Hassan Hussein	leader (Governor) of the Middle Shabelle region
Mukhtar Abu-Muslim	head of fatwas, from Rahanweyn clan.
Abdulahi Haji "Daud"	head of assassinations, from Hawiye clan of Murursade sub-clan.
Hassan Afrah,	head of relationship with pirates, from Hawiye clan of Saleban sub-clan.
Dahir Gamaey "Abdi Al-Haq"	judge of al-Shabaab, from Hawiye clan of Duduble sub-clan.
Abdiasis Abu Musab	military operations spokesman

Jehad Serwan Mostafa ("Emir Anwar"), a senior al-Shabaab commander and trainer.

Foreign leaders and members

Foreign al-Shabaab members in senior positions have included:

• Jehad Serwan Mostafa (United States)
• Abu Musa Mombasa (Pakistan)
• Samantha Lewthwaite (Britain) (unconfirmed)
• Fazul Abdullah Mohammed † (Kenya)
• Omar Shafik Hammami † (United States)

Abdulkadir Mohamed Abdulkadir ("Ikrima"), a senior al-Shabaab regional commander

• Shaykh Muhammad Abu Fa'id: Fai'd, a Saudi citizen, serves as a top financier and a "manager" for Shabaab.
• Abdulkadir Mohamed Abdulkadir ("Ikrima"): a Kenya-born Somali al-Shabaab commander alleged by the Kenyan government to have planned several attacks in the country, including a plot to target the UN's bureau in Nairobi, the Kenyan parliamentary building, and an Ethiopian restaurant patronized by Somali government representatives. According to US officials, Abdulkadir was also a close associate of the late Al-Qaeda operatives Harun Fazul and Saleh Nabhan.
• Mahmud Mujajir: Mujajir, a Sudanese citizen, is Shabaab's chief of recruitment for suicide bombers.
• Issa Osman Issa: Issa serves as a top al-Qaeda recruiter and military strategist for Shabaab. Before joining, he participated in the simultaneous attacks on the U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in 1998. He has been described as a central player in the simultaneous attacks on the Paradise Hotel in Kikambala, Kenya, in 2002, and the attempt that year to down an Israeli airliner in Mombasa.
• Mohamed Mohamud, also known as Sheikh Dulayadayn, Gamadhere, or Mohamed Kuno, a Kenyan citizen of Somali origin who served as a commander of al-Shabaab operations in Kenya. Named by the Kenyan government as the mastermind behind the Garissa University College attack. He was killed alongside 16 other militants in an overnight raid by Somali forces on June 1, 2016.

See also

• Muhajideen
• Somali Civil War
• Child soldiers in Somalia
• Drone strikes in Somalia
• Human rights in Somalia
• Islam in Somalia
• Religion in Somalia
• Freedom of religion in Somalia

Further reading

• Hansen, Stig Jarle (January 15, 2013). Al-Shabaab in Somalia: The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group (1st ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199327874.
• Katharine Petrich (2019) Cows, Charcoal, and Cocaine: Al-Shabaab’s Criminal Activities in the Horn of Africa, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
• Harun Maruf and Dan Joseph: Inside Al-Shabaab: The Secret History of Al-Qaeda's Most Powerful Ally. Paperback Oct. 2018, Indiana University Press, ISBN 978-0253037497

External links

• Al-Shabab, Counter Extremism Project profile
• Al-Shabaab: How Great a Threat?: Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, First Session, October 3, 2013