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{{Infobox government agency
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| name = Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
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| dissolved =
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| jurisdiction = [[State Council of the People's Republic of China]]
| headquarters = 160 [[Connaught Road West]],<br>[[Sai Ying Pun]], Hong Kong
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| chief1_name = [[Zhang Xiaoming]]
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The '''Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region''' is an organ of the [[Central People's Government]] of the People's Republic of China in Hong Kong. Its counterpart body in [[Mainland China]] is the [[Office of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in Beijing]]. The current Director is [[Zhang Xiaoming]].<ref>[http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/1858484/zhang-xiaomings-controversial-speech-hong-kong-governance Zhang Xiaoming’s controversial speech on Hong Kong governance: The full text], ''[[South China Morning Post]]'', 16 September, 2015</ref>
The '''Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region''' ({{zh-t|中央人民政府駐香港特別行政區聯絡辦公室}}; abbr. '''LOCPG''' or 中聯辦) is an organ of the [[Central People's Government]] of the [[People's Republic of China]] (PRC) in the [[Hong Kong Special Administrative Region]] (HKSAR). It replaced the [[New China News Agency]] (NCNA) as the representative of the PRC government in Hong Kong in 2000.


==Description==
==Roles==
The Liaison Office was established in 2000 as the replacement of the [[New China News Agency]] (NCNA), the unofficial representative of the PRC government in Hong Kong during the colonial period since 1949. It followed the NCNA to promote the [[pro-Beijing camp|pro-Beijing]] [[United Front (People's Republic of China)|united front]] and coordinate pro-Beijing candidates, mobilising supporters to vote for "patriotic" political parties, clandestinely orchestrating electoral campaigns and openly [[pro-democracy camp|pro-democracy]] elites in Hong Kong.<ref>{{cite book|page=11|title=The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?|first=Sonny Shiu-hing|last=Lo|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2008}}</ref> It also supervises the mainland's enterprises and three pro-Beijing newspapers, ''[[Tai Kung Pao]]'', ''[[Wen Wei Pao]]'' and ''[[Hong Kong Commercial Daily|Commercial Daily]]'' in Hong Kong. It is also responsible for running the [[Chinese Communist Party]] cells in Hong Kong.
The Liaison Office is responsible for liaisons with the [[People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison]] and the [[Office of the Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region|Office of the Commissioner of the Chinese foreign ministry in Hong Kong]]. It is also responsible for liaisons with Chinese companies in Hong Kong, and facilitating economic, cultural, educational, technology and sport exchanges and co-operation between Hong Kong and Mainland China. De facto, the Office is also the headquarters of the People's Republic of China's [[United Front (PRC)|United Front]] in Hong Kong, and therefore the origin of all propaganda efforts carried out in the territory to "win the minds and the hearts" of Hong Kong citizens. For this reason, protests regularly occur in front of its building.<ref>[http://www.scmp.com/article/708383/6-arrested-liaison-office-protest 6 arrested for liaison office protest], ''[[South China Morning Post]]'', 12 March 2010</ref>


The office is headquartered in [[The Westpoint]] in Sai Ying Pun, and holds numerous other properties around Hong Kong.<ref name="ejinsight1">{{cite news|last1=Chen|first1=Frank|title=Liaison Office has exquisite taste for property|url=http://www.ejinsight.com/20141126-liaison-office-has-exquisite-taste-for-property/|work=Hong Kong Economic Journal|date=26 November 2014}}</ref>
The Liaison Office is headquartered in [[Sai Ying Pun]], and holds numerous other properties around Hong Kong.<ref name="ejinsight1">{{cite news|last1=Chen|first1=Frank|title=Liaison Office has exquisite taste for property|url=http://www.ejinsight.com/20141126-liaison-office-has-exquisite-taste-for-property/|work=Hong Kong Economic Journal|date=26 November 2014}}</ref>

The Liaison Office has officially been playing a communication bridge between Beijing and Hong Kong. According to the Liaison Office's website, the office's official functions are the following:<ref>{{cite book|page=247|title= Report to Congress of the U. S. -China Economic and Security Review Commission|first=Carolyn|last=Bartholomew|publisher=DIANE Publishing|year=2010}}</ref>
# Integrate the [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (China)|Ministry of Foreign Affairs]]' Special Delegation Office in Hong Kong and the [[People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison]] (PLA).
# Integrate and help the mainland relevant departments to manage Chinese investment organisations.
# Promote economic, educational, science and technology, cultural, and athletic exchanges and cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland. Integrate with Hong Kong people from all levels of society, and advance the exchanges between the mainland and Hong Kong. Report on the Hong Kong residents' views toward the mainland.
# Handle relevant issues the touch upon Taiwan.
# Undertake other matters handed over from the central government.
It was often criticised of acting beyond its jurisdiction and violating the "[[One Country, Two Systems]]" principle and the [[Hong Kong Basic Law]] as "no department of the Central People's Government and no province, autonomous region, or municipality directly under the Central Government may interfere in the affairs which the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region administers on its own in accordance with this Law." as stipulated in the Article 22 of the Basic Law.


==History==
==History==
===2000 to 2003===
The Office was originally established in June 1947 as [[Xinhua News Agency#Xinhua in Hong Kong|Xinhua News Agency Hong Kong Branch]]. When Hong Kong was under [[British Hong Kong|British administration]], China did not establish a consulate in what it considered to be part of its national territory.<ref>[http://www.hkjournal.org/archive/2011_fall/5.htm The Long History of United Front Activity in Hong Kong], ''Hong Kong Journal'', Cindy Yik-yi Chu, July 2011</ref>
The Office was originally established in June 1947 as [[Xinhua News Agency#Xinhua in Hong Kong|New China News Agency Hong Kong Branch]] (NCNA) when Hong Kong was under [[British Hong Kong|British administration]] as a [[de facto embassy|''de facto'' mission]].<ref>[http://www.hkjournal.org/archive/2011_fall/5.htm The Long History of United Front Activity in Hong Kong], ''Hong Kong Journal'', Cindy Yik-yi Chu, July 2011</ref> The Liaison Office was established in 2000 as the replacement of the NCNA. It followed the NCNA to promote the [[pro-Beijing camp|pro-Beijing]] [[United Front (People's Republic of China)|united front]] and coordinate pro-Beijing camp, mobilising supporters to vote for "patriotic" political parties, clandestinely orchestrating electoral campaigns and openly [[pro-democracy camp]] in Hong Kong.


In late 2001, the Liaison Office coordinated and mobilised support among pro-Beijing elites for [[Chief Executive of Hong Kong|Chief Executive]] [[Tung Chee-hwa]] to run for another term of office. [[Jiang Enzhu]], director of the Liaison Office and [[Gao Siren]] openly supported Tung. A Hong Kong representative of the [[Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference]] (CPPCC) expressed he felt pressured to join the campaign otherwise his non-cooperation would be reported to the Liaison Office.<ref>{{cite book|page=213|title=Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong|first=Christine|last=Loh|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2010}}</ref>
In 1956, the Chinese [[Premier of the People's Republic of China|Premier]] [[Zhou Enlai]] requested the opening of a representative office in Hong Kong, but this was opposed by the [[Governor of Hong Kong|Governor]], [[Alexander Grantham]], who advised the [[Secretary of State for the Colonies]], [[Alan Lennox-Boyd]] in 1957 that it would a) give "an aura of respectability" to pro-Communist elements, b) have "a deplorable effect" on the morale of Chinese in Hong Kong, c) give the impression to friendly countries that Britain was retreating from the colony, d) that there would be no end to the claims of the Chinese representative as to what constituted his functions, and e) become a target for [[Kuomintang]] and other anti-communist activities.<ref>[https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=qjIOBAAAQBAJ&lpg=PA275&ots=DTT-Xyo_8b&dq=%22Special%20Commissioner%20for%20Hong%20Kong%22&pg=PA275#v=onepage&q=%22Special%20Commissioner%20for%20Hong%20Kong%22&f=false ''Government and Politics''], Steve Tsang, Hong Kong University Press, 1995, pages 276</ref>


The Liaison Office was criticised for meddling in the [[National People's Congress election, 2002 (Hong Kong)|election of the Hong Kong deputies]] to the [[10th National People's Congress]] (NPC). [[James Tien (politician)|James Tien]] of the [[Liberal Party (Hong Kong)|Liberal Party]] criticised of the role of the Liaison Office, the [[Democratic Party (Hong Kong)|Democratic Party]]'s [[Martin Lee]] viewed it as a "shadow government" meddling in elections in all levels.<ref>{{cite book|page=193|title=The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?|first=Sonny Shiu-hing|last=Lo|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2008}}</ref>
Consequently, the People's Republic of China was only unofficially represented in Hong Kong, with Xinhua operating as a [[de facto embassy|''de facto'' mission]], although this was accepted by Governor [[Murray MacLehose]], who dined with its Director.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1341601/Lord-MacLehose-of-Beoch.html Lord MacLehose of Beoch], ''[[The Daily Telegraph]]'', 1 June 2000</ref> The agency opened further district branches on [[Hong Kong Island]], [[Kowloon]] and the [[New Territories]] in 1985 to expand its influence.<ref>[https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=UncTYB3LhjAC&lpg=PA155&ots=ZRdrjlILdO&dq=further%20district%20branches%20on%20Hong%20Kong%20Island%2C%20Kowloon%20and%20the%20New%20Territories%20in%201985&pg=PA155#v=onepage&q=further%20district%20branches%20on%20Hong%20Kong%20Island,%20Kowloon%20and%20the%20New%20Territories%20in%201985&f=true ''Public Governance in Asia and the Limits of Electoral Democracy''], Brian Bridges, Lok-sang Ho, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009, page 155</ref><ref>Cheng, Joseph Yu-shek (p.214). [http://www.bath.ac.uk/polis/documents/events/joseph-yu-shek-cheng-emergence-of-radical-politics.pdf "The Emergence of Radical Politics in Hong Kong: Causes and Impact"]. ''China Review'', Vol. 14, No. 1, Special Issue: Urban and Regional Governance in China (Spring 2014). </ref>


The Liaison Office led by Gao Siren backed the [[Chief Executive of Hong Kong|Chief Executive]] [[Tung Chee-hwa]] government to push forward the controversial legislation of the national security bill as stipulated in the [[Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23]]. It was criticised for its failure in reporting to Beijing accurately the massive discontent toward the Tung regime and failure in predicting the unprecedented [[Hong Kong 1 July marches#2003|2003 July 1 massive demonstration]] against the national security bill. It was said that the Liaison Office was too close to the pro-Beijing Hong Kong elites and naturally provided over-positive reports on the HKSAR to Beijing.<ref>{{cite book|page=49|title=The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?|first=Sonny Shiu-hing|last=Lo|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2008}}</ref> As a result, the central government removed and replaced a number of deputy directors of the Liaison Office. A spy scandal was also revealed which involved with the leak out of the confidential information of the Liaison Office to the British agents.<ref>{{cite book|page=21|title=The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?|first=Sonny Shiu-hing|last=Lo|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2008}}</ref>
Despite its unofficial status, the directors of the Xinhua Hong Kong Branch included high-ranking former diplomats such as [[Zhou Nan]], former Ambassador to the United Nations and Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, who later negotiated the [[Sino-British Joint Declaration]] on the future of Hong Kong.<ref>[http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1533506/poet-diplomat-zhou-nan-takes-aim-occupy-central 'Poet diplomat' Zhou Nan takes aim at Occupy Central], ''[[South China Morning Post]]'', 16 June 2014</ref> His predecessor, [[Xu Jiatun]], was also vice-chairman of the [[Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee]], before fleeing to the United States in response to the military crackdown on the [[Tiananmen Square protests of 1989|Tiananmen Square protests]], where he went into exile.<ref>[http://www.upi.com/Archives/1991/02/22/Chinas-ex-proxy-in-Hong-Kong-fired-for-betrayal/7866667198800/ China's ex-proxy in Hong Kong fired for 'betrayal'], ''[[UPI]]'', 22 February 1991</ref>


===After 2003 July 1 protest: The "Second Government"===
On 18 January 2000, after the [[transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong]], the branch office of Xinhua became the '''Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region''', with [[Jiang Enzhu]] as its first Director.<ref>[http://www.nytimes.com/2000/02/20/world/in-watching-hong-kong-china-loses-the-shades.html In Watching Hong Kong, China Loses The Shades], ''[[New York Times]]'', 20 February 2000</ref>
[[File:CGLOHK media vert.jpg|thumb|200px|Schema of media control by the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong]]
After the pro-democracy tide in 2003, the Liaison Office established two new departments, one for police affairs and another for community organisations. It adopted a hard-line policy toward the democrats. In the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2004|2004 Legislative Council election]], the Liaison Office mobilised the members of the pro-Beijing interest groups and housing associations, including the [[Fujianese]] community, to support and vote for the [[Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong]] (DAB) and the [[Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions]] (FTU) candidates.<ref>{{cite book|page=58|title=The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?|first=Sonny Shiu-hing|last=Lo|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2008}}</ref>


Beijing also strengthened the Liaison Office to influence day-to-day affairs in Hong Kong and effectively operated as a "second government" in Hong Kong, reviewing and approving all potential candidates in the elections. The author, Cao Erbao, the director of the Liaison Office's Research Department, wrote that Hong Kong went from being ruled by one entity to being ruled by two: the Hong Kong government and "a team of Central and Mainland authorities carrying out Hong Kong work."<ref>{{cite book|page=246–7|title= Report to Congress of the U. S. -China Economic and Security Review Commission|first=Carolyn|last=Bartholomew|publisher=DIANE Publishing|year=2010}}</ref> It sparked great controversy in some sectors of Hong Kong society, already worried about the growing interference of the People's Republic of China into Hong Kong's political affairs.<ref>Cheng Y. S. Joseph, " The democracy movement in Hong Kong ", International Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 1989, pp. 443–462 ; Ma Ngok, " Democracy in Hong-Kong: end of the road or temporary setback? », China Perspectives n. 57, January–February 2005</ref> In 2010, Hong Kong protesters began targeting the Liaison Office as the destination of the demonstrations.
==Influence==
The Liaison Office indirectly owns and controls the ''[[Wen Wei Po]]'', ''[[Ta Kung Pao]]'' and new media site Orange News. In 2015, ''[[Next Magazine (Chinese magazine)|Next Magazine]]'' revealed that the Office also took control of [[Sino United Publishing]], which controls over 80% of the book publishing market.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ejinsight.com/20150409-basic-law-violation-seen-as-locpg-tightens-grip-on-hk-publishers/|title=Basic Law violation seen as LOCPG tightens grip on HK publishers|author=Betsy Tse|date=9 April 2015 |work=EJ Insight}}</ref><ref name=nextmedia19106286>{{cite web|url=http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20150409/19106286|title=中聯辦掌控聯合出版集團 擁三大書局兼壟斷發行 議員指涉違《基本法》|date=9 April 2015|work=Apple Daily}}</ref> It is Hong Kong's largest Chinese publishing group, and has 51 retail outlets in the territory,<ref name=scmp1732853>Lam, Jeffie (8 March 2015). [http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1732853/beijing-criticised-publication-new-series-anti-occupy-books "Hong Kong book giant in censorship row after returning title"]. ''South China Morning Post''.</ref> and an 80 percent market share.<ref name=nextmedia19106286/>


The Liaison Office worked on nurturing better educated candidates from the middle class to compete with the pro-democrats including [[Starry Lee]] and [[Chan Hak-kan]] of the DAB in the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2008|2008 Legislative Council election]]. It also opposed the pro-business [[Liberal Party (Hong Kong)|Liberal Party]] which caused the defeat of James Tien and Selina Chow and a split within the party.<ref>{{cite book|page=230|title=Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong|first=Christine|last=Loh|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2010}}</ref> In the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2012|2012 Legislative Council election]], various candidates including [[Priscilla Leung]] and [[Paul Tse]] were alleged of being backed by the Liaison Office.
== Controversies ==
[[File:CGLOHK media vert.jpg|thumb|400px|Schema of media control by the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong]]
=== Advocacy of a "parallel government" ===
In January 2008, [[Cao Erbao]], the incumbent head of the research department published an article justifying the need of a parallel, Communist-led government in the SAR in [[Study Times]].<ref>[http://www.scmp.com/article/679305/parallel-universe A parallel universe], ''[[South China Morning Post]]'', 7 May, 2009</ref> It sparked great controversy in some sectors of Hong Kong society, already worried about the growing interference of the People's Republic of China into Hong Kong's political affairs.<ref>Cheng Y. S. Joseph, " The democracy movement in Hong Kong ", International Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 1989, pp. 443–462 ; Ma Ngok, " Democracy in Hong-Kong: end of the road or temporary setback? », China Perspectives n. 57, January–February 2005</ref>


The Liaison Office was alleged of rigging in the [[Hong Kong local elections, 2011|2011 District Council election]] with one elected district councillor was found to be a previous staff of the Liaison Office. In early 2012, the Liaison Office aggressively lobbied the [[Election Committee]] members for [[Leung Chun-ying]] to be elected in the [[Hong Kong Chief Executive election, 2012|Chief Executive election]], with Cao Erbao reportedly pressing Prof [[Gabriel Leung]], the Director of the [[Office of the Chief Executive]] to slow a conflict of interest investigation in the [[West Kowloon Cultural District]] project that threatened to case Leung in a bad light. Leung was also criticised when he made a high-profile visit to the Liaison Office a day after his victory.<ref>{{cite book|page=70–1|title=Introduction to the Hong Kong Basic Law|first=Danny|last=Gittings|publisher=Hong Kong University Press|year=2013}}</ref>
=== Pressure on the press ===
On 23 March 2012, it was revealed by Democrat Chief Executive candidate [[Ho Chun-yan]] that "a 'second-tier official' (of the Liaison Office) whose rank was equivalent to that of Cao Erbao or Hao Tiechuan, who are the Office's head of research, and the director general of the department of publicity, culture and sports, respectively" had called the ''Hong Kong Economic Journal'' to influence the campaign in a sense favourable to candidate [[Henry Tang]].


In 2015, ''[[Next Magazine (Chinese magazine)|Next Magazine]]'' revealed that the Office also took control of [[Sino United Publishing]], which controls over 80% of the book publishing market.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ejinsight.com/20150409-basic-law-violation-seen-as-locpg-tightens-grip-on-hk-publishers/|title=Basic Law violation seen as LOCPG tightens grip on HK publishers|author=Betsy Tse|date=9 April 2015 |work=EJ Insight}}</ref><ref name=nextmedia19106286>{{cite web|url=http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20150409/19106286|title=中聯辦掌控聯合出版集團 擁三大書局兼壟斷發行 議員指涉違《基本法》|date=9 April 2015|work=Apple Daily}}</ref> It is Hong Kong's largest Chinese publishing group, and has 51 retail outlets in the territory,<ref name=scmp1732853>Lam, Jeffie (8 March 2015). [http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1732853/beijing-criticised-publication-new-series-anti-occupy-books "Hong Kong book giant in censorship row after returning title"]. ''South China Morning Post''.</ref> and an 80 percent market share.<ref name=nextmedia19106286/>
[[Richard Li|Richard Li Tzar-kai]], son of Asia's richest man and sturdy Tang backer, [[Li Ka-shing]], is a majority shareholder of the ''Journal''. The Liaison Office official pressured the director of the Chief Executive's Office, Professor Gabriel Leung, not to release details on the 2001 West Kowloon cultural hub design contest that would damage the candidacy of Leung Chun-ying (Tang's main rival) in the poll.


==Leadership==
Many voices expressed indignation over the issue. Among the most vocal was [[Shue Yan University]] journalism professor Leung Tin-wai, who claimed the Liaison office was now interfering in the local media in an increasingly open manner. "It is [becoming] a trend... [The office] is now doing it in a more naked manner," he said.<ref>[http://www.scmp.com/article/996276/anger-beijing-media-meddling Anger at 'Beijing media meddling'], ''[[South China Morning Post]]'', 23 October 2012</ref>
===List of Directors===
* [[Jiang Enzhu]], 2000–2002
* [[Gao Siren]], 2002–2009
* [[Peng Qinghua]], 2009–2012
* [[Zhang Xiaoming]], 2012–present


==Gallery==
==Gallery==
Line 50: Line 115:


==References==
==References==
{{reflist}}
{{reflist|30em}}


==External links==
==External links==
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{{State Council of the People's Republic of China}}
{{State Council of the People's Republic of China}}


[[Category:Buildings and structures in Hong Kong]]
[[Category:Government buildings in Hong Kong]]
[[Category:Politics of Hong Kong]]
[[Category:Politics of Hong Kong]]
[[Category:State Council of the People's Republic of China]]
[[Category:2001 establishments in China]]
[[Category:2001 establishments in Hong Kong]]
[[Category:Sai Ying Pun]]

Revision as of 15:59, 13 September 2016

Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
中央人民政府駐香港特別行政區聯絡辦公室
Liaison Office overview
FormedMay 1947 (1947-05) (as NCNA)
18 January 2000 (2000-01-18) (as LGCPG)
Preceding Liaison Office
JurisdictionState Council of the People's Republic of China
Headquarters160 Connaught Road West,
Sai Ying Pun, Hong Kong
22°17′17″N 114°08′23″E / 22.288111°N 114.139822°E / 22.288111; 114.139822
Liaison Office executive
Websitewww.locpg.hk

The Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Chinese: 中央人民政府駐香港特別行政區聯絡辦公室; abbr. LOCPG or 中聯辦) is an organ of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It replaced the New China News Agency (NCNA) as the representative of the PRC government in Hong Kong in 2000.

Roles

The Liaison Office was established in 2000 as the replacement of the New China News Agency (NCNA), the unofficial representative of the PRC government in Hong Kong during the colonial period since 1949. It followed the NCNA to promote the pro-Beijing united front and coordinate pro-Beijing candidates, mobilising supporters to vote for "patriotic" political parties, clandestinely orchestrating electoral campaigns and openly pro-democracy elites in Hong Kong.[1] It also supervises the mainland's enterprises and three pro-Beijing newspapers, Tai Kung Pao, Wen Wei Pao and Commercial Daily in Hong Kong. It is also responsible for running the Chinese Communist Party cells in Hong Kong.

The Liaison Office is headquartered in Sai Ying Pun, and holds numerous other properties around Hong Kong.[2]

The Liaison Office has officially been playing a communication bridge between Beijing and Hong Kong. According to the Liaison Office's website, the office's official functions are the following:[3]

  1. Integrate the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Special Delegation Office in Hong Kong and the People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison (PLA).
  2. Integrate and help the mainland relevant departments to manage Chinese investment organisations.
  3. Promote economic, educational, science and technology, cultural, and athletic exchanges and cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland. Integrate with Hong Kong people from all levels of society, and advance the exchanges between the mainland and Hong Kong. Report on the Hong Kong residents' views toward the mainland.
  4. Handle relevant issues the touch upon Taiwan.
  5. Undertake other matters handed over from the central government.

It was often criticised of acting beyond its jurisdiction and violating the "One Country, Two Systems" principle and the Hong Kong Basic Law as "no department of the Central People's Government and no province, autonomous region, or municipality directly under the Central Government may interfere in the affairs which the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region administers on its own in accordance with this Law." as stipulated in the Article 22 of the Basic Law.

History

2000 to 2003

The Office was originally established in June 1947 as New China News Agency Hong Kong Branch (NCNA) when Hong Kong was under British administration as a de facto mission.[4] The Liaison Office was established in 2000 as the replacement of the NCNA. It followed the NCNA to promote the pro-Beijing united front and coordinate pro-Beijing camp, mobilising supporters to vote for "patriotic" political parties, clandestinely orchestrating electoral campaigns and openly pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong.

In late 2001, the Liaison Office coordinated and mobilised support among pro-Beijing elites for Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa to run for another term of office. Jiang Enzhu, director of the Liaison Office and Gao Siren openly supported Tung. A Hong Kong representative of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) expressed he felt pressured to join the campaign otherwise his non-cooperation would be reported to the Liaison Office.[5]

The Liaison Office was criticised for meddling in the election of the Hong Kong deputies to the 10th National People's Congress (NPC). James Tien of the Liberal Party criticised of the role of the Liaison Office, the Democratic Party's Martin Lee viewed it as a "shadow government" meddling in elections in all levels.[6]

The Liaison Office led by Gao Siren backed the Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa government to push forward the controversial legislation of the national security bill as stipulated in the Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23. It was criticised for its failure in reporting to Beijing accurately the massive discontent toward the Tung regime and failure in predicting the unprecedented 2003 July 1 massive demonstration against the national security bill. It was said that the Liaison Office was too close to the pro-Beijing Hong Kong elites and naturally provided over-positive reports on the HKSAR to Beijing.[7] As a result, the central government removed and replaced a number of deputy directors of the Liaison Office. A spy scandal was also revealed which involved with the leak out of the confidential information of the Liaison Office to the British agents.[8]

After 2003 July 1 protest: The "Second Government"

Schema of media control by the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong

After the pro-democracy tide in 2003, the Liaison Office established two new departments, one for police affairs and another for community organisations. It adopted a hard-line policy toward the democrats. In the 2004 Legislative Council election, the Liaison Office mobilised the members of the pro-Beijing interest groups and housing associations, including the Fujianese community, to support and vote for the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) and the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (FTU) candidates.[9]

Beijing also strengthened the Liaison Office to influence day-to-day affairs in Hong Kong and effectively operated as a "second government" in Hong Kong, reviewing and approving all potential candidates in the elections. The author, Cao Erbao, the director of the Liaison Office's Research Department, wrote that Hong Kong went from being ruled by one entity to being ruled by two: the Hong Kong government and "a team of Central and Mainland authorities carrying out Hong Kong work."[10] It sparked great controversy in some sectors of Hong Kong society, already worried about the growing interference of the People's Republic of China into Hong Kong's political affairs.[11] In 2010, Hong Kong protesters began targeting the Liaison Office as the destination of the demonstrations.

The Liaison Office worked on nurturing better educated candidates from the middle class to compete with the pro-democrats including Starry Lee and Chan Hak-kan of the DAB in the 2008 Legislative Council election. It also opposed the pro-business Liberal Party which caused the defeat of James Tien and Selina Chow and a split within the party.[12] In the 2012 Legislative Council election, various candidates including Priscilla Leung and Paul Tse were alleged of being backed by the Liaison Office.

The Liaison Office was alleged of rigging in the 2011 District Council election with one elected district councillor was found to be a previous staff of the Liaison Office. In early 2012, the Liaison Office aggressively lobbied the Election Committee members for Leung Chun-ying to be elected in the Chief Executive election, with Cao Erbao reportedly pressing Prof Gabriel Leung, the Director of the Office of the Chief Executive to slow a conflict of interest investigation in the West Kowloon Cultural District project that threatened to case Leung in a bad light. Leung was also criticised when he made a high-profile visit to the Liaison Office a day after his victory.[13]

In 2015, Next Magazine revealed that the Office also took control of Sino United Publishing, which controls over 80% of the book publishing market.[14][15] It is Hong Kong's largest Chinese publishing group, and has 51 retail outlets in the territory,[16] and an 80 percent market share.[15]

Leadership

List of Directors

See also

References

  1. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. p. 11.
  2. ^ Chen, Frank (26 November 2014). "Liaison Office has exquisite taste for property". Hong Kong Economic Journal.
  3. ^ Bartholomew, Carolyn (2010). Report to Congress of the U. S. -China Economic and Security Review Commission. DIANE Publishing. p. 247.
  4. ^ The Long History of United Front Activity in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Journal, Cindy Yik-yi Chu, July 2011
  5. ^ Loh, Christine (2010). Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press. p. 213.
  6. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. p. 193.
  7. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. p. 49.
  8. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. p. 21.
  9. ^ Lo, Sonny Shiu-hing (2008). The Dynamics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: A Model for Taiwan?. Hong Kong University Press. p. 58.
  10. ^ Bartholomew, Carolyn (2010). Report to Congress of the U. S. -China Economic and Security Review Commission. DIANE Publishing. p. 246–7.
  11. ^ Cheng Y. S. Joseph, " The democracy movement in Hong Kong ", International Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 1989, pp. 443–462 ; Ma Ngok, " Democracy in Hong-Kong: end of the road or temporary setback? », China Perspectives n. 57, January–February 2005
  12. ^ Loh, Christine (2010). Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press. p. 230.
  13. ^ Gittings, Danny (2013). Introduction to the Hong Kong Basic Law. Hong Kong University Press. p. 70–1.
  14. ^ Betsy Tse (9 April 2015). "Basic Law violation seen as LOCPG tightens grip on HK publishers". EJ Insight.
  15. ^ a b "中聯辦掌控聯合出版集團 擁三大書局兼壟斷發行 議員指涉違《基本法》". Apple Daily. 9 April 2015.
  16. ^ Lam, Jeffie (8 March 2015). "Hong Kong book giant in censorship row after returning title". South China Morning Post.