Green Line (Israel): Difference between revisions

Coordinates: 31°25′26″N 34°53′33″E / 31.42398°N 34.89258°E / 31.42398; 34.89258
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[[Image:Israel green lines.png|right|thumb|150px|Israel's 1949 Green Line (dark green) and demilitarized zones (light green).]]
[[Image:Israel green lines.png|right|thumb|150px|Israel's 1949 Green Line (dark green) and demilitarized zones (light green)]]
The term '''[[Green Line]]''' is used to refer to the [[demarcation line]]s set out in the [[1949 Armistice Agreements]] between [[Israel]] and its neighbours ([[Egypt]], [[Jordan]], [[Lebanon]] and [[Syria]]) after the [[1948 Arab-Israeli War]]. The Green Line separates Israel not only from these countries but from territories Israel would later capture in the 1967 [[Six-Day War]], including the [[West Bank]], [[Gaza Strip]], [[Golan Heights]] and [[Sinai Peninsula]] (the latter has since been returned to Egypt). Its name is derived from the green ink used to draw the line on the map during the talks.<ref>Green Line: the name given to the 1949 Armistice lines that constituted the de facto borders of pre-1967 Israel &mdash; [http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/israel/il_glos.html "Glossary: Israel"], ''[[Library of Congress Country Studies]]''</ref><ref>Eli E. Hertz, [http://www.mythsandfacts.com/Conflict/1/A_secure_israel.htm "A Secure Israel - Security: A Condition for Peace"], ''Myths and Facts'', December 9, 2006</ref> In March 1949 as the Iraqi forces withdrew from [[Palestine]] and handed over their positions to the smaller Jordanian legion, three Israeli brigades manoeuvred into threatening positions in Operation ''Shin-Tav-Shin'' in a form of [[coercive diplomacy]]. The operation allowed Israel to renegotiate the cease fire line in the [[Wadi Ara]] area of the northern West Bank in a secret agreement reached on 23 March 1949 and incorporated into the General Armistice Agreement. The green line was then redrawn in blue ink on the southern map to give the impression that a movement into green line had been made.<ref>The Politics of Partition; King Abdullah, The Zionists, and Palestine 1921–1951 Avi Shlaim Oxford University Press Revised Edition 2004 ISBN 019829459-x pp. 299, 312</ref>
'''[[Green Line]]''' refers to the [[demarcation line]]s set out in the [[1949 Armistice Agreements]] between [[Israel]] and its neighbours ([[Egypt]], [[Jordan]], [[Lebanon]] and [[Syria]]) after the [[1948 Arab-Israeli War]]. The Green Line is also used to mark the line between Israel before 1967, and the territories captured in the [[Six-Day War]], including the [[West Bank]], [[Gaza Strip]], [[Golan Heights]] and [[Sinai Peninsula]] (the latter has since been returned to Egypt). The name derives from the green ink used to draw the line on the map while the talks were going on.<ref>Green Line: the name given to the 1949 Armistice lines that constituted the de facto borders of pre-1967 Israel &mdash; [http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/israel/il_glos.html "Glossary: Israel"], ''[[Library of Congress Country Studies]]''</ref><ref>Eli E. Hertz, [http://www.mythsandfacts.com/Conflict/1/A_secure_israel.htm "A Secure Israel - Security: A Condition for Peace"], ''Myths and Facts'', December 9, 2006</ref>


==Overview==
==Overview==
The Green Line is not an international or permanent border. Justice [[Stephen M. Schwebel]], who a judge of the [[International Court of Justice]] at [[The Hague]] for 19 years, including three years as its president, wrote: "...modifications of the 1949 armistice lines among those States within former Palestinian territory are lawful (if not necessarily desirable), whether those modifications are...'insubstantial alterations required for mutual security' or more substantial alterations - such as recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the whole of Jerusalem." In a footnote, he wrote: "It should be added that the armistice agreements of 1949 expressly preserved the territorial claims of all parties and did not purport to establish definitive boundaries between them."
⚫
The Israeli side of the Green Line encompasses 78.5% of what remained of the [[1947 UN Partition Plan|Palestine Mandate in 1947]].{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} The line marks a temporary, rather than permanent border, as is explicitly stated in ("military considerations only"), in practice it is largely used to differentiate between those areas within the Israeli side of the Line, which are administered as part of the State of Israel, and the areas outside it, which are either administered by the [[Israel Defense Forces|Israeli military]] or in agreements with the [[Palestinian National Authority]].<ref name="yuval">Yisrael Ya'akov Yuval, [http://www.am-oved.co.il/HTMLs/product.aspx?BSP=13468&C1010=15881 "Where is the Green Line"], ''Two Thousand'', Vol. 29, no. 971, 2005 {{he icon}}</ref><ref>Akiva Eldar, [http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/pages/ShArtPE.jhtml?itemNo=797884 "What is the Green Line"], ''[[Haaretz]]'', July 21, 2006 {{he icon}}</ref> The extended municipality of [[Jerusalem]] constitutes one exception to this: although the parts [[Rule of the West Bank and East Jerusalem by Jordan|ruled by Jordan until 1967]] fall outside the Green Line, Israel has informally annexed them according to the [[Basic Laws of Israel|Basic]] [[Jerusalem Law]] (1980). Other nations' [[positions on Jerusalem]] vary.


⚫
While the line is a temporary border, in practice it is used to differentiate between those areas which are administered as part of the State of Israel, and the areas outside it, which are administered by the [[Israel Defense Forces|Israeli military]] or the [[Palestinian National Authority]].<ref name="yuval">Yisrael Ya'akov Yuval, [http://www.am-oved.co.il/HTMLs/product.aspx?BSP=13468&C1010=15881 "Where is the Green Line"], ''Two Thousand'', Vol. 29, no. 971, 2005 {{he icon}}</ref><ref>Akiva Eldar, [http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/pages/ShArtPE.jhtml?itemNo=797884 "What is the Green Line"], ''[[Haaretz]]'', July 21, 2006 {{he icon}}</ref> The extended municipality of [[Jerusalem]] constitutes one exception to this: although the parts [[Rule of the West Bank and East Jerusalem by Jordan|ruled by Jordan until 1967]] fall outside the Green Line, Israel has informally annexed them according to the [[Basic Laws of Israel|Basic]] [[Jerusalem Law]] (1980). Other nations' [[positions on Jerusalem]] vary.
⚫
The Golan Heights are another exception, having been informally annexed with the [[Golan Heights Law]] (1981). [[Israeli settlement]]s are also essentially subject to the laws of the State of Israel rather than the PNA's laws. As of December 2005, the Line formally divides the areas of operation of the Israeli [[Magen David Adom]] and the [[Palestine Red Crescent Society]], although the former is still responsible for care in [[Israeli settlements]].<ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2005/Geneva%20vote%20paves%20the%20way%20for%20MDA%20Red%20Cross%20membership%208-Dec-2005 "Geneva vote paves the way for MDA Red Cross membership"], ''[[Foreign Affairs Minister of Israel|Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs]]'', December 8, 2005</ref>


⚫
The Golan Heights are another exception, having been informally annexed with the [[Golan Heights Law]] (1981). [[Israeli settlement]]s are also essentially subject to the laws of the State of Israel rather than the PNA's laws. As of December 2005, the Line formally divided the areas of operation of the Israeli [[Magen David Adom]] and the [[Palestine Red Crescent Society]], although the former is still responsible for care in [[Israeli settlements]].<ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2005/Geneva%20vote%20paves%20the%20way%20for%20MDA%20Red%20Cross%20membership%208-Dec-2005 "Geneva vote paves the way for MDA Red Cross membership"], ''[[Foreign Affairs Minister of Israel|Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs]]'', December 8, 2005</ref>
⚫
According to [[Hebrew University]] Geographer Ilan Salomon, the Green Line can be discerned via satellite, marked by the [[Jewish National Fund]] pine forests planted to demarcate Israeli space. Salomon and Larissa Fleishman conducted a study regarding Israeli students' knowledge of the location of the Green Line and found that not much more than 1/3 could identify its placement; they furthermore found that "students who identify with left-leaning parties are more familiar with the location of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, can sketch them more accurately and are also more aware of the nature of borders."<ref>Akiva Eldar. [http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/797959.html "Putting back the Green Line - once we find it"] Haaretz, December 8, 2006</ref>


==Impact==
==Impact==
Line 29: Line 29:
In 1967, East Jerusalem was annexed into Israel, with its Arab inhabitants given [[permanent residency]] status. They could apply for Israeli citizenship, but virtually none of them chose to do so {{Citation needed|date=January 2008}}. Domestically, the status of East Jerusalem as part of Israel was further entrenched with the Jerusalem [[Basic Laws of Israel|Law]] of 1980. [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 478]] , determined the law null and void. In 1981, the [[rule of law]] of the State of Israel was extended to the Golan Heights with the [[Golan Heights Law]] in what can be seen as an informal annexation.
In 1967, East Jerusalem was annexed into Israel, with its Arab inhabitants given [[permanent residency]] status. They could apply for Israeli citizenship, but virtually none of them chose to do so {{Citation needed|date=January 2008}}. Domestically, the status of East Jerusalem as part of Israel was further entrenched with the Jerusalem [[Basic Laws of Israel|Law]] of 1980. [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 478]] , determined the law null and void. In 1981, the [[rule of law]] of the State of Israel was extended to the Golan Heights with the [[Golan Heights Law]] in what can be seen as an informal annexation.


==The Green Line and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict==
==Israeli-Palestinian conflict==
According to [[Avi Shlaim]], in March 1949 as the Iraqi forces withdrew from Palestine in 1949, and handed over their positions to the Jordanian legion, Israel carried out Operation ''Shin-Tav-Shin'' which allowed Israel to renegotiate the cease fire line in the [[Wadi Ara]] area of the northern West Bank in a secret agreement that was incorporated into the General Armistice Agreement. The green line was redrawn in blue ink on the southern map to give the impression that a movement into green line had been made.<ref>The Politics of Partition; King Abdullah, The Zionists, and Palestine 1921–1951 Avi Shlaim Oxford University Press Revised Edition 2004 ISBN 019829459-x pp. 299, 312</ref>

The question of whether, or to what extent, Israel should withdraw its population and forces to its side of the Green Line remains a crucial issue in some discussions surrounding the [[Israeli-Palestinian conflict]], though the subject is relatively uncontroversial in the international political community. The near-unanimous international consensus has been displayed in the yearly [[UN General Assembly]] vote on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine.<ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/resolving-the-israel-palestine-conflict-what-we-can-learn-from-gandhi/ “Resolving the Israel-Palestine Conflict: What we can learn from Gandhi”] Tans Lecture, Maastricht University, November 13, 2008</ref><ref>Fouad Moughrabi. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2536793 “The International Consensus on the Palestine Question”] Journal of Palestine Studies, 1987</ref><ref>[http://www.palestine-pmc.com/pdf/19-11-05.pdf “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine”] United Nations General Assembly, 60th session, November 7, 2005 (see “Note verbale dated 2 August 2005”)</ref><ref>Anatoliy Zlenko. [http://www.mfa.gov.ua/mfa/en/publication/content/3140.htm “Statement by H.E. Mr. Anatoliy Zlenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, at the opening session of the United Nations International Meeting in Support of Middle East Peace”] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, May 13, 2003</ref><ref>[http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/321B58DA41DB71AA8525764D004D6B4E “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine”] United Nations General Assembly, 64th session, September 15, 2009 (see “The note verbale dated 26 June 2009”)</ref><ref>[http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/gapal1163.doc.htm “International Meeting on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process Opens in Istanbul”] United Nations, Department of Public Information, News and Media Division (New York), May 25, 2010 (see “Afternoon Session”)</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.israeli-occupation.org/2010-07-30/exclusive-ioa-interview-with-noam-chomsky-israels-war-against-palestine-now-what/ “Israel's War Against Palestine – Now What?”] Israeli Occupation Archive, July 30, 2010</ref> Although disputed by the official Israeli position, [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 242|UN resolution 242]] <ref>Kathleen Christison. [http://www.counterpunch.org/kchristison0628.html “The Full Story of Resolution 242”] CounterPunch, June 28/30, 2002</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.chomsky.info/articles/199310--.htm “The Israel-Arafat Agreement”] Z Magazine/chomsky.info, October 1992</ref><ref>Eric Black. [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/oslo/parallel/8.html “Resolution 242 and the Aftermath of 1967”] PBS/Minneapolis Star Tribune, 1992</ref><ref>UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. [http://www.undemocracy.com/A-55-35.pdf “Report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People”] United Nations General Assembly, 55th session, 2000</ref><ref>Robert Fisk. [http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fiskrsquos-world-one-missing-word-sowed-the-seeds-of-catastrophe-1205017.html “Robert Fisk’s World: One missing word sowed the seeds of catastrophe”] The Independent, December 20, 2008</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/article.php?pg=4&ar=12 “First the Carrot, Then the Stick: Behind the Carnage in Palestine”] normanfinkelstein.com, April 14, 2002</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 98-100</ref> and the [[International Court of Justice]]<ref>[http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?pr=71&code=mwp&p1=3&p2=4&p3=6&case=131&k=5a “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”] International Court of Justice, press release, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>[http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=11292&Cr=palestin&Cr1 “International Court of Justice finds Israeli barrier in Palestinian territory is illegal”] UN News Centre, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>Samar Assad. [http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/d/ContentDetails/i/2195 “One Year After the ICJ Ruling: Israel's Construction of the Wall and Settlements Continues Unabated”] Palestine Center Information (Breif No. 121), July 8, 2005, The Jerusalem Fund, July 9, 2005</ref><ref>Aluf Benn. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/icj-west-bank-fence-is-illegal-israel-must-tear-it-down-1.128046 “ICJ: West Bank fence is illegal, Israel must tear it down”] Haaretz, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>Janet McMahon. [http://www.wrmea.com/archives/Jan_Feb_2005/0501012.html “Hague Conference Considers Ways to Implement ICJ Ruling on Israel’s Wall”] Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, January/February 2005</ref><ref>[http://www.crin.org/Law/instrument.asp?InstID=1440 “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”] Child Rights Information Network, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>Richard Falk. [http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWFiles2010.nsf/FilesByRWDocUnidFilename/SNAA-86A4ZB-full_report.pdf/$File/full_report.pdf “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk”] United Nations Human Rights Council, 13th session, June 7, 2010 (see section IV “Demonstrations against the wall in the West Bank”)</ref><ref>John Dugard. [http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B59FE224D4A4587D8525728B00697DAA “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard”] United Nations Human Rights Council, 4th session, January 29, 2007 (see section III.A “The Wall”)</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.democracynow.org/2010/3/23/norman_finkelstein_responds_to_clinton_netanyahu “Norman Finkelstein Responds to Clinton, Netanyahu AIPAC Comments”] Democracy Now!, March 23, 2010</ref> have made clear the interpretation of international law regarding [[Palestinian Territories|Palestinian Territory]]. The Palestinians were not party to the drawing of the Green Line and, for some time, the Palestinian leadership had rejected UN resolution 242 on the basis that it did not specifically call for an independent Palestinian state, but rather spoke of them as refugees. From as early as 1976 however, most elements in the PLO came into line with the international political consensus and specifically accepted the pre-June 1967 borders as a basis for the establishment of a Palestinian state.<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 139-140</ref><ref>[http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/696D540FD7821BCE0525651C00736250 “UN Security Council Draft Resolution s/11940 of 23 January 1976”] UN Security Council, January 23, 1976</ref><ref>[http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/UN/usvetoes.html “U.S. Vetoes of UN Resolutions Critical of Israel”] Jewish Virtual Library, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.chomsky.info/articles/200205--.htm “Back in the USA”] Red Pepper/chomsky.info, May 2002</ref><ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relations/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%201947/1974-1977/148%20Draft%20Resolution%20The%20Middle%20East%20problem-%20Secu “Draft Resolution 'The Middle East problem', Security Council document S/11940, 23 January 1976”] Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relations/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%201947/1974-1977/150%20Statement%20by%20the%20Foreign%20Ministry%20on%20the%20Secur “Statement by the Foreign Ministry on the Security Council debate, 27 January 1976”] Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref>
The question of whether, or to what extent, Israel should withdraw its population and forces to its side of the Green Line remains a crucial issue in some discussions surrounding the [[Israeli-Palestinian conflict]], though the subject is relatively uncontroversial in the international political community. The near-unanimous international consensus has been displayed in the yearly [[UN General Assembly]] vote on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine.<ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/resolving-the-israel-palestine-conflict-what-we-can-learn-from-gandhi/ “Resolving the Israel-Palestine Conflict: What we can learn from Gandhi”] Tans Lecture, Maastricht University, November 13, 2008</ref><ref>Fouad Moughrabi. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2536793 “The International Consensus on the Palestine Question”] Journal of Palestine Studies, 1987</ref><ref>[http://www.palestine-pmc.com/pdf/19-11-05.pdf “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine”] United Nations General Assembly, 60th session, November 7, 2005 (see “Note verbale dated 2 August 2005”)</ref><ref>Anatoliy Zlenko. [http://www.mfa.gov.ua/mfa/en/publication/content/3140.htm “Statement by H.E. Mr. Anatoliy Zlenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, at the opening session of the United Nations International Meeting in Support of Middle East Peace”] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, May 13, 2003</ref><ref>[http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/321B58DA41DB71AA8525764D004D6B4E “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine”] United Nations General Assembly, 64th session, September 15, 2009 (see “The note verbale dated 26 June 2009”)</ref><ref>[http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/gapal1163.doc.htm “International Meeting on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process Opens in Istanbul”] United Nations, Department of Public Information, News and Media Division (New York), May 25, 2010 (see “Afternoon Session”)</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.israeli-occupation.org/2010-07-30/exclusive-ioa-interview-with-noam-chomsky-israels-war-against-palestine-now-what/ “Israel's War Against Palestine – Now What?”] Israeli Occupation Archive, July 30, 2010</ref> Although disputed by the official Israeli position, [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 242|UN resolution 242]] <ref>Kathleen Christison. [http://www.counterpunch.org/kchristison0628.html “The Full Story of Resolution 242”] CounterPunch, June 28/30, 2002</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.chomsky.info/articles/199310--.htm “The Israel-Arafat Agreement”] Z Magazine/chomsky.info, October 1992</ref><ref>Eric Black. [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/oslo/parallel/8.html “Resolution 242 and the Aftermath of 1967”] PBS/Minneapolis Star Tribune, 1992</ref><ref>UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. [http://www.undemocracy.com/A-55-35.pdf “Report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People”] United Nations General Assembly, 55th session, 2000</ref><ref>Robert Fisk. [http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fiskrsquos-world-one-missing-word-sowed-the-seeds-of-catastrophe-1205017.html “Robert Fisk’s World: One missing word sowed the seeds of catastrophe”] The Independent, December 20, 2008</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/article.php?pg=4&ar=12 “First the Carrot, Then the Stick: Behind the Carnage in Palestine”] normanfinkelstein.com, April 14, 2002</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 98-100</ref> and the [[International Court of Justice]]<ref>[http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?pr=71&code=mwp&p1=3&p2=4&p3=6&case=131&k=5a “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”] International Court of Justice, press release, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>[http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=11292&Cr=palestin&Cr1 “International Court of Justice finds Israeli barrier in Palestinian territory is illegal”] UN News Centre, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>Samar Assad. [http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/d/ContentDetails/i/2195 “One Year After the ICJ Ruling: Israel's Construction of the Wall and Settlements Continues Unabated”] Palestine Center Information (Breif No. 121), July 8, 2005, The Jerusalem Fund, July 9, 2005</ref><ref>Aluf Benn. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/icj-west-bank-fence-is-illegal-israel-must-tear-it-down-1.128046 “ICJ: West Bank fence is illegal, Israel must tear it down”] Haaretz, July 9, 2004</ref><ref>Janet McMahon. [http://www.wrmea.com/archives/Jan_Feb_2005/0501012.html “Hague Conference Considers Ways to Implement ICJ Ruling on Israel’s Wall”] Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, January/February 2005</ref><ref>[http://www.crin.org/Law/instrument.asp?InstID=1440 “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”] Child Rights Information Network, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>Richard Falk. [http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWFiles2010.nsf/FilesByRWDocUnidFilename/SNAA-86A4ZB-full_report.pdf/$File/full_report.pdf “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk”] United Nations Human Rights Council, 13th session, June 7, 2010 (see section IV “Demonstrations against the wall in the West Bank”)</ref><ref>John Dugard. [http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B59FE224D4A4587D8525728B00697DAA “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard”] United Nations Human Rights Council, 4th session, January 29, 2007 (see section III.A “The Wall”)</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.democracynow.org/2010/3/23/norman_finkelstein_responds_to_clinton_netanyahu “Norman Finkelstein Responds to Clinton, Netanyahu AIPAC Comments”] Democracy Now!, March 23, 2010</ref> have made clear the interpretation of international law regarding [[Palestinian Territories|Palestinian Territory]]. The Palestinians were not party to the drawing of the Green Line and, for some time, the Palestinian leadership had rejected UN resolution 242 on the basis that it did not specifically call for an independent Palestinian state, but rather spoke of them as refugees. From as early as 1976 however, most elements in the PLO came into line with the international political consensus and specifically accepted the pre-June 1967 borders as a basis for the establishment of a Palestinian state.<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 139-140</ref><ref>[http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/696D540FD7821BCE0525651C00736250 “UN Security Council Draft Resolution s/11940 of 23 January 1976”] UN Security Council, January 23, 1976</ref><ref>[http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/UN/usvetoes.html “U.S. Vetoes of UN Resolutions Critical of Israel”] Jewish Virtual Library, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>Noam Chomsky. [http://www.chomsky.info/articles/200205--.htm “Back in the USA”] Red Pepper/chomsky.info, May 2002</ref><ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relations/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%201947/1974-1977/148%20Draft%20Resolution%20The%20Middle%20East%20problem-%20Secu “Draft Resolution 'The Middle East problem', Security Council document S/11940, 23 January 1976”] Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref><ref>[http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relations/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%201947/1974-1977/150%20Statement%20by%20the%20Foreign%20Ministry%20on%20the%20Secur “Statement by the Foreign Ministry on the Security Council debate, 27 January 1976”] Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010</ref>


It is sometimes claimed that the Palestinian leadership, acting wholly or partially on behalf of the Palestinian population, have rejected, and continue to reject, the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line. This is not consistent with the documented record,<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173</ref> as widely available sources show plainly that even smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as [[Hamas]], have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).<ref>Amira Hass. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/haniyeh-hamas-willing-to-accept-palestinian-state-with-1967-borders-1.256915 “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders”] Haaretz, November 9, 2008</ref><ref>[http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/04/2008615098393788.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders”] Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008</ref><ref>Associated Press. [http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24235665/ “Hamas offers truce in return for 1967 borders”] MSNBC, April 21, 2008</ref><ref>Haaretz Service. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/hamas-we-told-u-s-in-the-past-that-we-would-accept-palestinian-state-along-1967-borders-1.314765 “Hamas: We told U.S. in the past that we would accept Palestinian state along 1967 borders”] Haaretz, September 20, 2010</ref><ref>Michael Jansen. [http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/world/2010/0921/1224279368628.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders for Palestinian state”] Irish Times, September 21, 2010</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/finkelstein-on-gaza-war-massacre/ “Foiling Another Palestinian 'Peace Offensive': Behind the bloodbath in Gaza”] normanfinkelstein.com, January 19, 2009</ref>
It is sometimes claimed that the Palestinian leadership, acting wholly or partially on behalf of the Palestinian population, have rejected, and continue to reject, the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line. This is not consistent with the documented record,<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173</ref> as widely available sources show plainly that even smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as [[Hamas]], have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).<ref>Amira Hass. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/haniyeh-hamas-willing-to-accept-palestinian-state-with-1967-borders-1.256915 “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders”] Haaretz, November 9, 2008</ref><ref>[http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/04/2008615098393788.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders”] Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008</ref><ref>Associated Press. [http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24235665/ “Hamas offers truce in return for 1967 borders”] MSNBC, April 21, 2008</ref><ref>Haaretz Service. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/hamas-we-told-u-s-in-the-past-that-we-would-accept-palestinian-state-along-1967-borders-1.314765 “Hamas: We told U.S. in the past that we would accept Palestinian state along 1967 borders”] Haaretz, September 20, 2010</ref><ref>Michael Jansen. [http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/world/2010/0921/1224279368628.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders for Palestinian state”] Irish Times, September 21, 2010</ref><ref>Norman Finkelstein. [http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/finkelstein-on-gaza-war-massacre/ “Foiling Another Palestinian 'Peace Offensive': Behind the bloodbath in Gaza”] normanfinkelstein.com, January 19, 2009</ref>

⚫
According to [[Hebrew University]] Geographer Ilan Salomon, the Green Line can be discerned via satellite, marked by the [[Jewish National Fund]] pine forests planted to demarcate Israeli space. Salomon and Larissa Fleishman conducted a study regarding Israeli students' knowledge of the location of the Green Line and found that not much more than 1/3 could identify its placement; they furthermore found that "students who identify with left-leaning parties are more familiar with the location of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, can sketch them more accurately and are also more aware of the nature of borders."<ref>Akiva Eldar. [http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/797959.html "Putting back the Green Line - once we find it"] Haaretz, December 8, 2006</ref>


==See also==
==See also==
* [[1949 Armistice Agreements]]
* ''[[At the Green Line]]''
* ''[[At the Green Line]]''
* [[Peace Process in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict]]
* [[Peace Process in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict]]
Line 43: Line 46:
* [[United Nations Truce Supervision Organization]] (UNTSO)
* [[United Nations Truce Supervision Organization]] (UNTSO)


==Notes==
==References==
{{Reflist}}
{{Reflist}}


Revision as of 07:54, 29 November 2010

Israel's 1949 Green Line (dark green) and demilitarized zones (light green)

Green Line refers to the demarcation lines set out in the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and its neighbours (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria) after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The Green Line is also used to mark the line between Israel before 1967, and the territories captured in the Six-Day War, including the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights and Sinai Peninsula (the latter has since been returned to Egypt). The name derives from the green ink used to draw the line on the map while the talks were going on.[1][2]

Overview

The Green Line is not an international or permanent border. Justice Stephen M. Schwebel, who a judge of the International Court of Justice at The Hague for 19 years, including three years as its president, wrote: "...modifications of the 1949 armistice lines among those States within former Palestinian territory are lawful (if not necessarily desirable), whether those modifications are...'insubstantial alterations required for mutual security' or more substantial alterations - such as recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the whole of Jerusalem." In a footnote, he wrote: "It should be added that the armistice agreements of 1949 expressly preserved the territorial claims of all parties and did not purport to establish definitive boundaries between them."

While the line is a temporary border, in practice it is used to differentiate between those areas which are administered as part of the State of Israel, and the areas outside it, which are administered by the Israeli military or the Palestinian National Authority.[3][4] The extended municipality of Jerusalem constitutes one exception to this: although the parts ruled by Jordan until 1967 fall outside the Green Line, Israel has informally annexed them according to the Basic Jerusalem Law (1980). Other nations' positions on Jerusalem vary.

The Golan Heights are another exception, having been informally annexed with the Golan Heights Law (1981). Israeli settlements are also essentially subject to the laws of the State of Israel rather than the PNA's laws. As of December 2005, the Line formally divided the areas of operation of the Israeli Magen David Adom and the Palestine Red Crescent Society, although the former is still responsible for care in Israeli settlements.[5]

Impact

A border sign in Jerusalem, 1951; in the background: Tower of David

The sections of the Line that delineate the boundaries between Israel on the one hand, and the West Bank and Gaza on the other, separated heavily populated regions. As such, drawing the precise line was complicated and the harm caused to settlements on its periphery was great. The majority of the line corresponds to the military front of the 1948 War, and while the considerations dictating its placement were primarily military, it soon became clear that in many places it divided towns and villages and separated farmers from their fields. Consequently, the Green Line underwent various slight adjustments, and special arrangements were made for limited movement in certain areas.[6]

Most impacted were (and for the most part, remain) Jerusalem, which the Line divided in half, into East and West Jerusalem and the village of Barta'a, which, partially due to errors on the map, was left with one third of its area on the Israeli side and two thirds outside of it. Kibbutz Ramat Rachel was left almost entirely outside the Israeli portion of the Green Line.[6]

Jewish population

During the war, a number of male Jews who resided east of the Line, including the Jewish Quarter of the Old City, were taken prisoner by the Jordanians, while women and children were allowed safe passage. All but a few of the Gush Etzion defenders were massacred. The prisoners were returned to Israel after the war.[3]

In July 8, 1948, the Jewish inhabitants of Kfar Darom and Naharayim were evacuated by Israel due to military pressure by Egypt and Jordan respectively. Israel also withdrew villages in the Lebanese Upper Galilee, whereas Syria withdrew from Mishmar HaYarden.

Since the victory in the Six-Day War in 1967, successive Israeli governments have promoted the establishment of Jewish settlements south and east of the Line. From August to September 2005, Israel unilaterally disengaged from the Gaza Strip and evacuated the Jewish population who lived south of the Line in Gaza back to sovereign Israeli territory. In 2006, with Ehud Olmert's Convergence plan, Israel had future plans to disengage (if necessary, unilaterally) from much of the West Bank (east of the Line), by 2007 or 2008. Following the 2006 Israel-Gaza conflict and the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict, however, the plan increasingly fell off the national agenda. Unlike the Gaza disengagement, this was expected to correspond much less with the Green Line, primarily by retaining Israeli sovereignty over East Jerusalem — forming, together with West Jerusalem, Israel's united capital in accordance with Israel's domestic 1980 Jerusalem Law—and the large Jewish settlement blocs in the West Bank. As well, some of the border was likely to be drawn in relation to the West Bank Barrier. (See map)

Arab population

The majority of Arabs who had inhabited what became the Israeli side of the Line either fled or were expelled during the war. Those Arabs who remained generally became Israeli citizens and now comprise approximately 20% of Israel's total citizenry. The Umm al-Fahm-Baqa al-Gharbiyye-Tira area, known in Israel as "the Triangle", was originally designated to fall under Jordanian jurisdiction, but Israel insisted on having it within its side of the Line, due to military and strategic reasons. To achieve this, a territorial swap was negotiated with Transjordan, giving the latter Israeli territory in the southern hills of Hebron in exchange for "the Triangle" villages in Wadi Ara.[3]

During the Six-Day War, Israel captured and occupied territories outside the Green Line which were inhabited by over a million Palestinian Arabs, including refugees from the 1947–1949 war.[7] The Green Line remained the administrative border between these territories (with the exception of Jerusalem) and the areas inside the Israeli side of the Green Line.

In 1967, East Jerusalem was annexed into Israel, with its Arab inhabitants given permanent residency status. They could apply for Israeli citizenship, but virtually none of them chose to do so [citation needed]. Domestically, the status of East Jerusalem as part of Israel was further entrenched with the Jerusalem Law of 1980. United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 , determined the law null and void. In 1981, the rule of law of the State of Israel was extended to the Golan Heights with the Golan Heights Law in what can be seen as an informal annexation.

Israeli-Palestinian conflict

According to Avi Shlaim, in March 1949 as the Iraqi forces withdrew from Palestine in 1949, and handed over their positions to the Jordanian legion, Israel carried out Operation Shin-Tav-Shin which allowed Israel to renegotiate the cease fire line in the Wadi Ara area of the northern West Bank in a secret agreement that was incorporated into the General Armistice Agreement. The green line was redrawn in blue ink on the southern map to give the impression that a movement into green line had been made.[8]

The question of whether, or to what extent, Israel should withdraw its population and forces to its side of the Green Line remains a crucial issue in some discussions surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, though the subject is relatively uncontroversial in the international political community. The near-unanimous international consensus has been displayed in the yearly UN General Assembly vote on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine.[9][10][11][12][13][14][15] Although disputed by the official Israeli position, UN resolution 242 [16][17][18][19][20][21][22] and the International Court of Justice[23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31] have made clear the interpretation of international law regarding Palestinian Territory. The Palestinians were not party to the drawing of the Green Line and, for some time, the Palestinian leadership had rejected UN resolution 242 on the basis that it did not specifically call for an independent Palestinian state, but rather spoke of them as refugees. From as early as 1976 however, most elements in the PLO came into line with the international political consensus and specifically accepted the pre-June 1967 borders as a basis for the establishment of a Palestinian state.[32][33][34][35][36][37]

It is sometimes claimed that the Palestinian leadership, acting wholly or partially on behalf of the Palestinian population, have rejected, and continue to reject, the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line. This is not consistent with the documented record,[38] as widely available sources show plainly that even smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as Hamas, have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).[39][40][41][42][43][44]

According to Hebrew University Geographer Ilan Salomon, the Green Line can be discerned via satellite, marked by the Jewish National Fund pine forests planted to demarcate Israeli space. Salomon and Larissa Fleishman conducted a study regarding Israeli students' knowledge of the location of the Green Line and found that not much more than 1/3 could identify its placement; they furthermore found that "students who identify with left-leaning parties are more familiar with the location of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, can sketch them more accurately and are also more aware of the nature of borders."[45]

See also

References

  1. ^ Green Line: the name given to the 1949 Armistice lines that constituted the de facto borders of pre-1967 Israel — "Glossary: Israel", Library of Congress Country Studies
  2. ^ Eli E. Hertz, "A Secure Israel - Security: A Condition for Peace", Myths and Facts, December 9, 2006
  3. ^ a b c Yisrael Ya'akov Yuval, "Where is the Green Line", Two Thousand, Vol. 29, no. 971, 2005 Template:He icon
  4. ^ Akiva Eldar, "What is the Green Line", Haaretz, July 21, 2006 Template:He icon
  5. ^ "Geneva vote paves the way for MDA Red Cross membership", Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, December 8, 2005
  6. ^ a b Yossi Alpher, et al., "The green line", Palestinian-Israeli crossfire, Edition 8, February 24, 2003
  7. ^ The new territories more than doubled the size of pre1967 Israel, placing under Israel's control more than 1 million Palestinian Arabs ... In November 1967 ... UN Security Council Resolution 242, called for "withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict" in exchange for Arab acceptance of Israel — "Israel: 1967 and Afterward", Library of Congress Country Studies
  8. ^ The Politics of Partition; King Abdullah, The Zionists, and Palestine 1921–1951 Avi Shlaim Oxford University Press Revised Edition 2004 ISBN 019829459-x pp. 299, 312
  9. ^ Norman Finkelstein. “Resolving the Israel-Palestine Conflict: What we can learn from Gandhi” Tans Lecture, Maastricht University, November 13, 2008
  10. ^ Fouad Moughrabi. “The International Consensus on the Palestine Question” Journal of Palestine Studies, 1987
  11. ^ “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine” United Nations General Assembly, 60th session, November 7, 2005 (see “Note verbale dated 2 August 2005”)
  12. ^ Anatoliy Zlenko. “Statement by H.E. Mr. Anatoliy Zlenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, at the opening session of the United Nations International Meeting in Support of Middle East Peace” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, May 13, 2003
  13. ^ “Report of the Secretary-General on the Peaceful Settlement on the Question of Palestine” United Nations General Assembly, 64th session, September 15, 2009 (see “The note verbale dated 26 June 2009”)
  14. ^ “International Meeting on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process Opens in Istanbul” United Nations, Department of Public Information, News and Media Division (New York), May 25, 2010 (see “Afternoon Session”)
  15. ^ Noam Chomsky. “Israel's War Against Palestine – Now What?” Israeli Occupation Archive, July 30, 2010
  16. ^ Kathleen Christison. “The Full Story of Resolution 242” CounterPunch, June 28/30, 2002
  17. ^ Noam Chomsky. “The Israel-Arafat Agreement” Z Magazine/chomsky.info, October 1992
  18. ^ Eric Black. “Resolution 242 and the Aftermath of 1967” PBS/Minneapolis Star Tribune, 1992
  19. ^ UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. “Report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People” United Nations General Assembly, 55th session, 2000
  20. ^ Robert Fisk. “Robert Fisk’s World: One missing word sowed the seeds of catastrophe” The Independent, December 20, 2008
  21. ^ Norman Finkelstein. “First the Carrot, Then the Stick: Behind the Carnage in Palestine” normanfinkelstein.com, April 14, 2002
  22. ^ Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 98-100
  23. ^ “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory” International Court of Justice, press release, July 9, 2004
  24. ^ “International Court of Justice finds Israeli barrier in Palestinian territory is illegal” UN News Centre, July 9, 2004
  25. ^ Samar Assad. “One Year After the ICJ Ruling: Israel's Construction of the Wall and Settlements Continues Unabated” Palestine Center Information (Breif No. 121), July 8, 2005, The Jerusalem Fund, July 9, 2005
  26. ^ Aluf Benn. “ICJ: West Bank fence is illegal, Israel must tear it down” Haaretz, July 9, 2004
  27. ^ Janet McMahon. “Hague Conference Considers Ways to Implement ICJ Ruling on Israel’s Wall” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, January/February 2005
  28. ^ “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory” Child Rights Information Network, Retrieved September 22, 2010
  29. ^ Richard Falk. “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk” United Nations Human Rights Council, 13th session, June 7, 2010 (see section IV “Demonstrations against the wall in the West Bank”)
  30. ^ John Dugard. “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard” United Nations Human Rights Council, 4th session, January 29, 2007 (see section III.A “The Wall”)
  31. ^ Norman Finkelstein. “Norman Finkelstein Responds to Clinton, Netanyahu AIPAC Comments” Democracy Now!, March 23, 2010
  32. ^ Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 pp. 139-140
  33. ^ “UN Security Council Draft Resolution s/11940 of 23 January 1976” UN Security Council, January 23, 1976
  34. ^ “U.S. Vetoes of UN Resolutions Critical of Israel” Jewish Virtual Library, Retrieved September 22, 2010
  35. ^ Noam Chomsky. “Back in the USA” Red Pepper/chomsky.info, May 2002
  36. ^ “Draft Resolution 'The Middle East problem', Security Council document S/11940, 23 January 1976” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010
  37. ^ “Statement by the Foreign Ministry on the Security Council debate, 27 January 1976” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010
  38. ^ Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173
  39. ^ Amira Hass. “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders” Haaretz, November 9, 2008
  40. ^ “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders” Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008
  41. ^ Associated Press. “Hamas offers truce in return for 1967 borders” MSNBC, April 21, 2008
  42. ^ Haaretz Service. “Hamas: We told U.S. in the past that we would accept Palestinian state along 1967 borders” Haaretz, September 20, 2010
  43. ^ Michael Jansen. “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders for Palestinian state” Irish Times, September 21, 2010
  44. ^ Norman Finkelstein. “Foiling Another Palestinian 'Peace Offensive': Behind the bloodbath in Gaza” normanfinkelstein.com, January 19, 2009
  45. ^ Akiva Eldar. "Putting back the Green Line - once we find it" Haaretz, December 8, 2006

Further reading

External links

31°25′26″N 34°53′33″E / 31.42398°N 34.89258°E / 31.42398; 34.89258

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