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An economic boom and rapid growth in the years after their arrival allowed many men to obtain steady employment on the rapidly expanding railroad network, construction in the cities or in the logging industry, some venturing to the more remote parts of eastern, central and northern Ontario. Women would often enter into domestic service. Others farmed the relatively cheap, arable land of southern Ontario. There was a strong Irish rural presence in Ontario in comparison to their brethren in the northern US, but they were also numerous in the towns and cities. Later generations of these poorer immigrants were among those who rose to prominence in unions, business, law, the arts and politics.
An economic boom and rapid growth in the years after their arrival allowed many men to obtain steady employment on the rapidly expanding railroad network, construction in the cities or in the logging industry, some venturing to the more remote parts of eastern, central and northern Ontario. Women would often enter into domestic service. Others farmed the relatively cheap, arable land of southern Ontario. There was a strong Irish rural presence in Ontario in comparison to their brethren in the northern US, but they were also numerous in the towns and cities. Later generations of these poorer immigrants were among those who rose to prominence in unions, business, law, the arts and politics.


Redclift (2003) concludes that many of the one million migrants, mainly of British and Irish origin, who arrived in Canada in the mid-19th century benefited from the availability of land and absence of social barriers to mobility. This enabled them to think and feel like citizens of the new country in a way denied them back in the old country.<ref<>Michael R. Redclift, "Community and the Establishment of Social Order on the Canadian Frontier in the 1840s and 1850s: An English Immigrant's Account," ''Family and Community History'' 2003 6(2): 97-106 </ref>
Redclift (2003) concludes that many of the one million migrants, mainly of British and Irish origin, who arrived in Canada in the mid-19th century benefited from the availability of land and absence of social barriers to mobility. This enabled them to think and feel like citizens of the new country in a way denied them back in the old country.<ref>Michael R. Redclift, "Community and the Establishment of Social Order on the Canadian Frontier in the 1840s and 1850s: An English Immigrant's Account," ''Family and Community History'' 2003 6(2): 97-106 </ref>


Akenson (1984) argues that the Canadian experience of Irish immigrants is not comparable to the [[Irish American|American one]]. He contends that the numerical dominance of Protestants within the national group and the rural basis of the Irish community negated the formation of urban ghettos and allowed for a relative ease in social mobility. In comparison, the American Irish were dominantly Catholic, urban dwelling, and ghettoized. Likewise the new labor historians believe that the rise of the Knights of Labor caused the Orange and Catholic Irish in Toronto to resolve their generational hatred and set about to form a common working-class culture. This theory presumes that Irish-Catholic culture was of little value, to be rejected with such ease. Nicolson (1985) argues that neither theory is valid. He says that in the ghettos of Toronto the fusion of an Irish peasant culture with traditional Catholism produced a new, urban, ethno-religious vehicle - Irish Tridentine Catholism. This culture spread from the city to the hinterland and, by means of metropolitan linkage, throughout Ontario. Privatism created a closed Irish society, and, while Irish Catholics cooperated in labor organizations for the sake of their family's future, they never shared in the development of a new working-class culture with their old Orange enemies.<ref>Murray W. Nicolson, "The Irish Experience in Ontario: Rural or Urban?" ''Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire Urbaine'' 1985 14(1): 37-45 </ref>
Akenson (1984) argues that the Canadian experience of Irish immigrants is not comparable to the [[Irish American|American one]]. He contends that the numerical dominance of Protestants within the national group and the rural basis of the Irish community negated the formation of urban ghettos and allowed for a relative ease in social mobility. In comparison, the American Irish were dominantly Catholic, urban dwelling, and ghettoized. Likewise the new labor historians believe that the rise of the Knights of Labor caused the Orange and Catholic Irish in Toronto to resolve their generational hatred and set about to form a common working-class culture. This theory presumes that Irish-Catholic culture was of little value, to be rejected with such ease. Nicolson (1985) argues that neither theory is valid. He says that in the ghettos of Toronto the fusion of an Irish peasant culture with traditional Catholism produced a new, urban, ethno-religious vehicle - Irish Tridentine Catholism. This culture spread from the city to the hinterland and, by means of metropolitan linkage, throughout Ontario. Privatism created a closed Irish society, and, while Irish Catholics cooperated in labor organizations for the sake of their family's future, they never shared in the development of a new working-class culture with their old Orange enemies.<ref>Murray W. Nicolson, "The Irish Experience in Ontario: Rural or Urban?" ''Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire Urbaine'' 1985 14(1): 37-45 </ref>
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In 1877, a breakthrough in Irish Canadian Protestant-Catholic relations occurred in [[London, Ontario]]. This was the founding of the [[Irish Benevolent Society of London, Ontario|Irish Benevolent Society]], a brotherhood of Irishmen and women of both Catholic and Protestant faiths. The society promoted Irish Canadian culture, but it was forbidden for members to speak of Irish politics when meeting. Today, the Society is still operating.
In 1877, a breakthrough in Irish Canadian Protestant-Catholic relations occurred in [[London, Ontario]]. This was the founding of the [[Irish Benevolent Society of London, Ontario|Irish Benevolent Society]], a brotherhood of Irishmen and women of both Catholic and Protestant faiths. The society promoted Irish Canadian culture, but it was forbidden for members to speak of Irish politics when meeting. Today, the Society is still operating.

Some writers have assumed that the Irish in 19th-century North America as impoverished. DiMatteo (1992), using evidence from probate records in 1892 shows this is untrue. Irish-born and Canadian-born Irish accumulated wealth similarly, and that being Irish was not an economic disadvantage by the 1890s. Immigrants from earlier decades may well have experienced greater economic difficulties, but in general the Irish in Ontario in the 1890's enjoyed levels of wealth commensurate with the rest of the populace.<ref>Livio Dimatteo, "The Wealth of the Irish in Nineteenth-Century Ontario," ''Social Science History'' 1996 20(2): 209-234 </ref>


By 1901 Ontario Irish Catholics and Scottish Presbyterians were among the most likely to own homes, while Anglicans did only moderately well, despite their traditional association with Canada's elite. French-speaking Catholics in Ontario achieved wealth and status less readily than Protestants and Irish Catholics. Although differences in attainment existed between people of different religious denominations, the difference between Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants in urban Canada was relatively insignificant.<ref>Peter Baskerville, "Did Religion Matter? Religion and Wealth in Urban Canada at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: An Exploratory Study," ''Histoire Sociale: Social History'' 2001 34(67): 61-95 </ref>
By 1901 Ontario Irish Catholics and Scottish Presbyterians were among the most likely to own homes, while Anglicans did only moderately well, despite their traditional association with Canada's elite. French-speaking Catholics in Ontario achieved wealth and status less readily than Protestants and Irish Catholics. Although differences in attainment existed between people of different religious denominations, the difference between Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants in urban Canada was relatively insignificant.<ref>Peter Baskerville, "Did Religion Matter? Religion and Wealth in Urban Canada at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: An Exploratory Study," ''Histoire Sociale: Social History'' 2001 34(67): 61-95 </ref>

Revision as of 19:51, 25 February 2010

Irish Canadians
File:Walsh.JPG
Regions with significant populations
 Canada
Ontario Ontario1,988,940
British Columbia British Columbia618,120
Alberta Alberta539,160
Quebec Quebec406,085
Nova Scotia Nova Scotia195,365
Languages
English, French, Irish
Religion
Roman Catholic, Protestant
Related ethnic groups
Irish, Irish Americans

Irish Canadians are immigrants and descendants of immigrants who originated in Ireland. The 2006 census by Statistics Canada, Canada's Official Statistical office revealed that the Irish were the 4th largest ethnic group with 4,354,155 Canadians with full or partial Irish descent or 14% of the country's total population. [1] This was a large and significant increase of 531,495 since the 2001 census, which counted 3,822,660 respondents quoting Irish ethnicity. [2]

Irish in Canada

Saint Patrick's Day Parade in Montreal

Irish have a long and rich history in Canada dating back centuries. The first recorded Irish presence in the area of present day Canada dates from 1536, when Irish fishermen from Cork travelled to Newfoundland.

After the permanent settlement in Newfoundland by Irish in early 1800s, overwhelmingly from Waterford, increased immigration of the Irish elsewhere in Canada began in the decades following the War of 1812. Between the years 1825 to 1845, 60% of all immigrants to Canada were Irish; in 1831 alone, some 34,000 arrived in Montréal.

But the peak period of entry of the Irish to Canada in terms of sheer numbers occurred during and shortly after the Great Irish Famine; smaller numbers of them settled in Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and to a greater degree, New Brunswick, especially Saint John arriving at Partridge Island. During this time, Canada was the destination of the most destitute Irish people cleared from land estates and leaving the crowded docks of Liverpool, numbering in the hundreds of thousands. Passage fares to Canada were much lower than those to the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, due to such factors as distance and the use of empty, returning timber ships to transport the masses [3].

The great majority arrived in Grosse Isle, an island in Quebec in the St. Lawrence River, which housed the immigration reception station. Thousands died or were treated in the hospital (equipped for less than one hundred patients) in the summer of 1847; in fact, many boats that reached Grosse-Île had lost the bulk of their passengers and crew, and many more died in quarantine on or near the island. From Grosse-Ile, most survivors were sent to Montréal, where the existing Irish community mushroomed. The orphaned children were adopted into Quebec families and accordingly became Québécois, both linguistically and culturally. Many of the families that survived continued on to settle in Canada West (formerly Upper Canada, now Ontario) or the United States (many to Chicago and the Midwest). [4]

Father of Confederation D'Arcy McGee

Compared with the Irish in the United States or the United Kingdom who fled famine, a good number of the Irish in Canada settled in rural areas and not in the cities, though there were many exceptions (especially in Quebec and New Brunswick, see below for more information). The Irish in Canada still faced a large amount of racism and persecution, both from the Irish Republican Brotherhood's raids on British army posts in Canada (then known as British North America) from the United States, and due to long-standing feelings of anti-Irish racism among Canadian Protestants. Although the Irish-Canadian community did in part condemned the attacks on the British Army in Canada in support of their hopes for a peaceful new country, many more were torn between loyalty to their new home and the memory of harsh British rule in Ireland.

Thomas D'Arcy McGee, an Irish-Montreal journalist, became a Father of Confederation in 1867. An Irish Republican in his early years, he would moderate his view in later years and become a passionate advocate of Confederation. He was instrumental in enshrining educational rights for minority Catholics in the Canadian Constitution. In 1868, he was assassinated in Ottawa. It was claimed a Fenian named Patrick J. Whelan was the assassin, attacking McGee for his recent anti-Raid statements (even though McGee first permanently fled Ireland to America to escape a warrant for his arrest on charges of aiding the 1848 Uprising in Tipperary, while editing a nationalist newspaper called Nation). This was later called into question, with many believing that Whelan was falsely accused as a scapegoat in the assassination.

After Confederation, Irish Catholics faced more oppression, probably because of their faith rather than their ethnicity. This was especially true in the mainly Protestant province of Ontario, which was under the political sway of the already entrenched anti-Catholic Orange Order, Ottawa excepted. The anthem "The Maple Leaf Forever," written and composed by Scottish immigrant and Orangeman Alexander Muir, reflects the British Loyalist outlook of many Canadians of the time. Also in Canada is Canada GAA.

Demographics

The following statistics are from the 2006 Census of Canada. [5]

Canadians of Irish descent by province and territory
Province/Territory Irish Canadian
population
Percentage of Population
Newfoundland and Labrador 107,390 21.5%
Prince Edward Island 39,170 29.2%
Nova Scotia 195,365 21.6%
New Brunswick 150,705 21.0%
Quebec 406,085 5.5%
Ontario 1,988,940 16.5%
Manitoba 151,915 13.4%
Saskatchewan 145,480 15.3%
Alberta 539,160 16.6%
British Columbia 618,120 15.2%
Yukon 5,735 19.0%
Northwest Territories 4,860 11.8%
Nunavut 1,220 4.2%
Canada 4,354,155 13.9%


Irish in Quebec

Victoria Bridge under construction in Montreal, as photographed by William Notman.

Irish established communities in both urban and rural Quebec. Irish immigrants arrived in large numbers in Montreal during the 1840s and were hired as labourers to build the Victoria Bridge, living in a tent city at the foot of the bridge. Here, workers unearthed a mass grave of 6,000 Irish immigrants who had died at nearby Windmill Point in the typhus outbreak of 1847-48. The Irish Commemorative Stone or "Black Rock," as it is commonly known, was erected by bridge workers to commemorate the tragedy.

The Irish would go on to settle permanently in the close-knit working-class neighbourhoods of Pointe-Saint-Charles, Griffintown and Goose Village, Montreal. With the help of Quebec's Catholic Church, they would establish their own churches, schools, and hospitals. St. Patrick's Basilica was founded in 1847 and served Montreal's English-speaking Catholics for over a century. Loyola College (Montreal) was founded by the Jesuits to serve Montreal's mostly Irish English-speaking Catholic community in 1896. Saint Mary's Hospital was founded in the 1920s and continues to serve Montreal's present-day English-speaking population. The St. Patrick's Day Parade in Montreal is the oldest in North America, dating back to 1824. It annually attracts crowds of over 600,000 people.

Montreal Shamrocks with 1899 Stanley Cup

The Irish would also settle in large numbers in Quebec City and establish communities in rural Quebec, particularly in such regions as Pontiac, Gatineau and Papineau where there was an active timber industry. However, most would move on to larger North American cities.

Many Irish immigrants would also assimilate into French-Canadian society. After the disaster at Grosse-Île (see above), many Irish children were left as orphans in a new country. The Catholic Church would arrange for these children to be adopted by French Canadians in Lower Canada. Some of these children kept their Irish surnames (Caissie to Kessy, Riel to Reilly..).[1] A common Catholic religion also allowed Irish immigrants to intermarry with French Canadians, and children would often speak French as a first language.

Today, many Québécois have a name of Irish origin. Examples are Daniel Johnson, Claude Ryan, the current Premier Jean Charest,and the late Georges Dor (born Georges-Henri Dore). The Irish constitute the second largest ethnic group in the province after the French Canadians and one estimate suggests that as many as 40 percent of the French-speaking Quebecers have some Irish ancestry.[2]

Irish in Ontario

From the times of early European settlement in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Irish had been coming to Ontario, in small numbers and in the service of New France as missionaries, soldiers, geographers and fur trappers.

After the creation of British North America in 1763, Protestant Irish, both Irish Anglicans and Ulster-Scottish Presbyterians had been migrating over the decades to Upper Canada, some as United Empire Loyalists or directly from Ulster.

In the years after the War of 1812, an increasing numbers of Irish, a growing number Catholic, were venturing to Canada to obtain work on projects such as canals, roads, railroads and in the lumber industry. The labourers were known as ‘navvies’ and built much of the early infrastructure in the province. Settlement schemes offering cheap (or free) land brought over farmer families. Munster (particularly Tipperary and Cork) were frequent sources of these migrants [6].

The Great Irish Hunger 1845-1849, had a large impact on Ontario. At its peak in the summer of 1847, boatloads of sick migrants arrived in desperate circumstances on steamers from Quebec to Bytown (presently Ottawa), and to ports of call on Lake Ontario, chief amongst them Kingston and Toronto, in addition to many other smaller communities across southern Ontario. They came from the land estates in counties such as Sligo, Clare, Cavan, Dublin, Wicklow, Limerick and Cork. Quarantine facilities were hastily constructed to accommodate them. Nurses, Doctors, Priests, Nuns, compatriots, some politicians and ordinary citizens aided them. Thousands died in Ontario that summer alone, mostly from Typhus.

An economic boom and rapid growth in the years after their arrival allowed many men to obtain steady employment on the rapidly expanding railroad network, construction in the cities or in the logging industry, some venturing to the more remote parts of eastern, central and northern Ontario. Women would often enter into domestic service. Others farmed the relatively cheap, arable land of southern Ontario. There was a strong Irish rural presence in Ontario in comparison to their brethren in the northern US, but they were also numerous in the towns and cities. Later generations of these poorer immigrants were among those who rose to prominence in unions, business, law, the arts and politics.

Redclift (2003) concludes that many of the one million migrants, mainly of British and Irish origin, who arrived in Canada in the mid-19th century benefited from the availability of land and absence of social barriers to mobility. This enabled them to think and feel like citizens of the new country in a way denied them back in the old country.[3]

Akenson (1984) argues that the Canadian experience of Irish immigrants is not comparable to the American one. He contends that the numerical dominance of Protestants within the national group and the rural basis of the Irish community negated the formation of urban ghettos and allowed for a relative ease in social mobility. In comparison, the American Irish were dominantly Catholic, urban dwelling, and ghettoized. Likewise the new labor historians believe that the rise of the Knights of Labor caused the Orange and Catholic Irish in Toronto to resolve their generational hatred and set about to form a common working-class culture. This theory presumes that Irish-Catholic culture was of little value, to be rejected with such ease. Nicolson (1985) argues that neither theory is valid. He says that in the ghettos of Toronto the fusion of an Irish peasant culture with traditional Catholism produced a new, urban, ethno-religious vehicle - Irish Tridentine Catholism. This culture spread from the city to the hinterland and, by means of metropolitan linkage, throughout Ontario. Privatism created a closed Irish society, and, while Irish Catholics cooperated in labor organizations for the sake of their family's future, they never shared in the development of a new working-class culture with their old Orange enemies.[4]

Confederation

With Canadian Confederation in 1867, Catholics were granted a separate school board. Through the late 19th and early 20th century, Irish immigration to Ontario continued but a slower pace, much of it family reunification. Out migration of Irish in Ontario (along with others) occurred during this period following economic downturns, available new land and mining booms in the US or the Canadian West. The reverse is true of those with Irish descent who migrated to Ontario from the Maritimes and Newfoundland seeking work, mostly since World War II.

In 1877, a breakthrough in Irish Canadian Protestant-Catholic relations occurred in London, Ontario. This was the founding of the Irish Benevolent Society, a brotherhood of Irishmen and women of both Catholic and Protestant faiths. The society promoted Irish Canadian culture, but it was forbidden for members to speak of Irish politics when meeting. Today, the Society is still operating.

Some writers have assumed that the Irish in 19th-century North America as impoverished. DiMatteo (1992), using evidence from probate records in 1892 shows this is untrue. Irish-born and Canadian-born Irish accumulated wealth similarly, and that being Irish was not an economic disadvantage by the 1890s. Immigrants from earlier decades may well have experienced greater economic difficulties, but in general the Irish in Ontario in the 1890's enjoyed levels of wealth commensurate with the rest of the populace.[5]

By 1901 Ontario Irish Catholics and Scottish Presbyterians were among the most likely to own homes, while Anglicans did only moderately well, despite their traditional association with Canada's elite. French-speaking Catholics in Ontario achieved wealth and status less readily than Protestants and Irish Catholics. Although differences in attainment existed between people of different religious denominations, the difference between Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants in urban Canada was relatively insignificant.[6]

20th century

Ciani (2008) concludes that support of World War I fostered an identity among Irish Catholics as loyal citizens and helped integrate them into the social fabric of the nation. Michael Francis Fallon contributed to these changes as bishop of London. Fallon's primary motive, however, was to advance the cause of Irish Catholics in Canada and abroad. He largely ignored the interests of French Canadian Catholics, was a vocal opponent of bilingual education, and consistently favored those of Irish heritage for advancement in the Church and government. As a result, French Canadians did not participate in Fallon's efforts to support the war effort and became more marginalized in Canadian politics and society.[7]

Present

Today, the impact of the heavy 19th century Irish immigration to Ontario is evident as those who report Irish extraction in the province number close to 2 million people or almost half the total Canadians who claim Irish ancestry. In 2004, March 17 was proclaimed “Irish Heritage Day” by the Ontario Legislature in recognition of the immense Irish contribution to the development of the Province. Further, Ontario is home to the only Gaeltacht or "Irish language speaking area" outside of Ireland, as is recognized by the Irish government.[8]

There are many communities in Ontario that are named after places and last names of Ireland: Ballinafad, Ballyduff, Ballymote, Cavan, Connaught, Connellys, Dalton, Donnybrook, Dublin, Dundalk, Dunnville, Enniskillen, Erinsville, Galway, Hagarty, Irish Lake, Kearney, Keenansville, Kennedys, Killaloe, Killarney, Limerick, Listowel, Lucan, Maguire, Malone, McGarry, Moffat, Mullifarry, Munster, Navan, New Dublin, O'Connell, Oranmore, Quinn Settlement, Ripley, Shamrock, South Monaghan, Waterford and Westport.

Irish in New Brunswick

Irish Memorial on Middle Island, Miramichi, New Brunswick

The Miramichi River valley, received a significant Irish immigration in the years before the potato famine. These settlers tended to be better off and better educated than the later arrivals, who came out of desperation. Though coming after the Scottish and the French Acadians, they made their way in this new land, intermarrying with the Catholic Highland Scots, and to a lesser extent, with the Acadians. Some, like Martin Cranney, held elective office and became the natural leaders of their augmented Irish community after the arrival of the famine immigrants. The early Irish came to the Miramichi because it was easy to get to with lumber ships stopping in Ireland before returning to Chatham and Newcastle, and because it provided economic opportunities, especially in the lumber industry.

Long a timber-exporting colony, New Brunswick became the destination of thousands of Irish immigrants in the form of refugees fleeing the potato famines during the mid-19th century as the timber cargo vessels provided cheap passage when returning empty to the colony. Quarantine hospitals were located on islands at the mouth of the colony's two major ports, Saint John (Partridge Island) and Chatham-Newcastle (Middle Island), where many would ultimately die. Those who survived settled on marginal agricultural lands in the Miramichi River valley and in the Saint John River and Kennebecasis River valleys, however, the difficulty of farming these regions saw many Irish immigrant families moving to the colony's major cities within a generation or to Portland, Maine or Boston.

Saint John and Chatham, New Brunswick saw large numbers of Irish migrants, changing the nature and character of both municipalities. Today, all of the amalgamated city of Miramichi continues to host a large annual Irish festival. Indeed, Miramichi is one of the most Irish communities in North America, second possibly only to Saint John and Boston.

Irish in Prince Edward Island

For years, Prince Edward Island had been divided between Irish Catholics and British Protestants (which included Ulster Scots from Northern Ireland). In the latter half of the 20th century, this sectarianism diminished and was ultimately destroyed recently after two events occurred. First, the Catholic and Protestant school boards were merged into one secular institution; second, the practice of electing two MLAs for each provincial riding (one Catholic and one Protestant) was ended.

Irish in Newfoundland

In 1806, The Benevolent Irish Society (BIS) was founded as a philanthropic organization in St. John's, Newfoundland. Membership was open to adult residents of Newfoundland who were of Irish birth or ancestry, regardless of religious persuasion. The BIS was founded as a charitable, fraternal, middle-class social organization, on the principles of "benevolence and philanthropy", and had as its original objective to provide the necessary skills which would enable the poor to better themselves. Today the society is still active in Newfoundland and is the oldest philanthropic organization in North America.

Newfoundland Irish Catholics, mainly from the southeast of Ireland, settled in the cities (mainly St. John's and parts of the surrounding Avalon Peninsula), while British Protestants, mainly from the West Country, settled in small fishing communities. Over time, the Irish Catholics became wealthier than their Protestant neighbours, which gave incentive for Protestant Newfoundlanders to join the Orange Order. In 1903, Sir William Coaker founded the Fisherman's Protective Union (F.P.U.) in an Orange Hall in Herring Neck. Furthermore, during the term of Commission of Government (1934-1949), the Orange Lodge was one of only a handful of "democratic" organizations that existed in the Dominion of Newfoundland. In 1948, a referendum was held in Newfoundland as to its political future; the Irish Catholics mainly supported a return to independence for Newfoundland as it existed before 1934, while the Protestants mainly supported joining the Canadian Confederation. Newfoundland then joined Canada by a 52-48% margin, and with an influx of Protestants into St. John's after the closure of the east coast cod fishery in the 1990s, the main issues have become one of Rural vs. Urban interests rather than anything ethnic or religious.

To Newfoundland, the Irish gave the still-familiar family names of southeast Ireland: Walsh, Power, Murphy, Ryan, Whelan, Phelan, O'Brien, Kelly, Hanlon, Neville, Bambrick, Halley, Dillon, Byrne and FitzGerald. Irish place names are less common, many of the island's more prominent landmarks having already been named by early French and English explorers. Nevertheless, Newfoundland's Ballyhack, Cappahayden, Kilbride, St. Bride's, Port Kirwan and Skibereen all point to Irish antecedents.

Along with traditional names, the Irish brought their native tongue. Newfoundland was one of the few places outside Ireland where the Irish language was spoken by a majority of the population as their primary language. In fact Newfoundland Irish is its own distinct dialect. While the Irish language has become very uncommmon in Newfoundland today, its influence on Newfoundland English, both lexically (in words like 'angishore' and 'sleveen') and grammatically (the 'after' past-tense construction, for instance), is apparent.

Newfoundland is the only place outside Europe with its own distinctive name in the Irish language, Talamh an Éisc, "the land of fish". The family names, the features and colouring, the predominant Catholic religion, the prevalence of Irish music – even the dialect and accent of the people – are so reminiscent of rural Ireland that Irish author Tim Pat Coogan has described Newfoundland as "the most Irish place in the world outside of Ireland".[9]

It should be noted that most of the Irish migration to Newfoundland was pre-famine (late 18th century and early 19th century), and two centuries of isolation have led many of Irish descent in newfoundland to consider their ethnic identity as "Newfoundlander," and not "Irish," although they are aware of the cultural links between the two. It is estimated that approximately 80% of Newfoundlanders are of at least partial Irish descent.

Irish in Nova Scotia

About one Nova Scotian in four is of Irish descent, and there are good finding aids for genealogists and family historians.[10]

Many Nova Scotians who claim Irish ancestry are of Presbyterian Ulster-Scottish descent. William Sommerville (1800-78) was ordained in the Irish Reformed Presbyterian Church and in 1831 was sent as a missionary to New Brunswick. There, with missionary Alexander Clarke, he formed the Reformed Presbytery of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia in 1832 before becoming minister of the West Cornwallis congregation in Grafton, Nova Scotia, in 1833. Although a strict Covenanter, Sommerville initially ministered to Presbyterians generally over a very extensive district.[11] Presbyterian centers included Colchester County, Nova Scotia. Common surnames included Archibald, Barnhill, Bell, Blair, Brown, Campbell, Cameron, Carter, Chisholm, Clark, Cook, Corbett, Cox, Creelman, Crow, Davison, Delaney, Daly, Dickie, Dickson, Dunlap, Durning, Faulkner, Fisher, Fletcher, Fraser, Fulmore, Fulton, Gamble, Graham, Hamilton, Healy, Henderson, Higgins, Hill, Johnson, Johnston, Kennedy, Lahey, Langille, Lewis, MacAleese, Marsh, McBurnie, McCully, McCurdy, McDonald, McIntosh, McKay, McKenzie, McLaughlin, McLean, McLelan, McLellan, McLeod, McNutt, Miller, Moore, Morrison, Murphy, Murray, Nelson, Peppard, Ross, Rutherford, Savage, Smith, Spencer, Simpson, Staples, Stevens, Stewart, Taylor, Thompson, Vance, Williams, Wilson, and Wright. O'Brien and Ryan are also surnames from the period suggesting some of the families to arrive may have been Catholic. However, many Scottish immigrants who settled in that area are from the Highlands and many are Catholic making it hard to distinguish Irish and Scottish people.

Catholic Irish settlement in Nova Scotia was traditionally restricted to the urban Halifax area. Halifax, founded in 1749, was estimated to be about 16% Irish Catholic in 1767 and about 9% by the end of the 18th century. Although the harsh laws enacted against them were generally not enforced, Irish Catholics had no legal rights in the early history of the city. Catholic membership in the legislature was nonexistent until near the end of the century. In 1829 Lawrence O'Connor Doyle, of Irish parentage, became the first of his faith to become a lawyer and helped to overcome opposition to the Irish.[12]

In addition there are also rural Irish village settlements throughout most of Guysborough County, such as the Erinville (meaning Irishville)/Salmon River Lake/Ogden/Bantry (named after Bantry Bay, County Cork, Ireland but abandoned since the 19th century for better farmland in places like Erinville/Salmon River Lake) district where Irish last names are prevalent and the accent is strongly reminiscent of the Irish as well as the musical culture, food, Religion (Roman Catholic), love of the drink and love for Ireland itself. Some of the Irish last names known or once known in the Guysborough County area are Barry, Brophy, Boone, Burke, Burns, Callaghan (From County Roscommon, Ireland) , Cashen, Cleary, Cochran, Cody, Coffey, Cohoon, Connoly, Costley, Curtie, Daley, Day, Doyle, Duggan, Dunbar, Dunn, Eagan, Egan, Farrell, Flaherty, Flynn, Gallagher, Gerry, Gough, Halloran, Hanifan (From Ventry, Dingle Peninsula, County Kerry, Ireland), Hanifen (From Ventry, Dingle Peninsula, Country Kerry, Ireland), Hanifin (From Ventry, Dingle Peninsula, County Kerry, Ireland), Hannafin (From Dingle Peninsula, County Kerry, Ireland), Hannifan (From Dingle Peninsula, County Kerry, Ireland), Hogan, Hurley, Keef, Keefe, Kelly, Kennedy, Kenney, Kenny, Kent, Long, Lynes, Maguire, Malloy, McAllister, McCallum, McColl, McDonald, McDougall, McGuire, McIsaac, McKinnon, McNauten, Murphy, Neal, O'Connor, O'Donoghue, O'Gorman, O'Neal, O'Neale, O'Neil, O'Neile, Power, Russell, Shancy, Shaughnessy, Sullivan, Terry, Torey, Welsh, White along with others. In parts of Antigonish County there is also quite a few Irish villages such as Cloverville, Ireland and Lochaber as well as on Cape Breton Island, in places such as New Waterford, Rocky Bay, the Lower Rover inhabitants area, and Glacebay, all still very rich in Irish culture.

Murdoch (1998) notes that the popular image of Cape Breton Island as a last bastion of Scottish Highland and specifically Gaelic culture distorts the complex history of the island since the 16th century. The original Micmac inhabitants, Acadian French, Lowland Scots, Irish, Loyalists from New England, and English have all contributed to a history which has included cultural, religious, and political conflict as well as cooperation and synthesis. The Highland Scots became the largest community in the early 19th century, and their heritage in music, folklore, and language has survived government indifference, but it is now threatened by a synthetic marketable 'tartan clan doll culture' aimed primarily at tourists.[13]

Irish in the Prairies

While some influential Canadian politicians anticipated that the assisted migrations of Irish settlers would lead to the establishment of a 'New Ireland' on Canada's prairies, or at least raise the profile of the country's potential as a suitable destination for immigrants, neither happened. Sheppard (1990) looks at the efforts in the 1880s of Quaker philanthropist James Hack Tuke as well as those of Thomas Connolly, the Irish emigration agent for the Canadian government. The Irish press continued to warn potential emigrants of the dangers and hardships of life in Canada and encouraged would-be emigrants to settle instead in the United States.[14]

Irish migration to the Prairie Provinces had two distinct components: those who came via eastern Canada or the United States, and those who came directly from Ireland. Many of the Irish-Canadians who came west were fairly well assimilated, in that they spoke English and understood British customs and law, and tended to be regarded as a part of English Canada. However, this picture was complicated by the religious division. Many of the original "English" Canadian settlers in the Red River Colony were fervent Irish Loyalist Protestants, and members of the Orange Order. They clashed with Catholic Metis leader Louis Riel's provisional government during the Red River Resistance, and as a result Thomas Scott was executed, inflaming sectarian tensions in the east. At this time and during the course of the following decades, many of the Catholic Irish were fighting for separate Catholic schools in the west, but sometimes clashed with the Francophone element of the Catholic community during the Manitoba Schools Question. After World War I and the de facto resolution of the religious schools issue, any eastern Irish-Canadians moving west blended in totally with the majority society. The small group of Irish-born who arrived in the second half of the 20th Century tended to be urban professionals, a stark contrast to the agrarian pioneers who had come before.

About 10% of the population of Saskatchewan during 1850-1930 were Irish-born or of Irish origin. Cottrell (1999) examines the social, economic, political, religious, and ideological impact of the Irish diaspora on pioneer society and suggests that both individually and collectively, the Irish were a relatively privileged group. The most visible manifestations of intergenerational Irish ethnicity - the Catholic Church and the Orange Order - served as vehicles for recreating Irish culture on the prairies and as forums for ethnic fusion, which integrated people of Irish origin with settlers of other nationalities. The Irish were thus a vital force for cohesion in an ethnically diverse frontier society, but also a source of major tension with elements that did not share their vision of how the province of Saskatchewan should evolve.[15]

Catholics vs Protestants

Tensions between the Irish Protestants and Irish Catholics were widespread in Canada in the 19th century, with many episodes of violence, especially in Atlantic Canada and Ontario especially.[16] [17]

The Orange Order, with its two main tenets, anti-Catholicism and loyalty to Britain, flourished in Ontario. Largely coincident with Protestant Irish settlement, its role pervaded the political, social and community as well as religious lives of its followers. Spatially, Orange lodges were founded as Irish Protestant settlement spread north and west from its original focus on the Lake Ontario plain. Although the number of active members, and thus their influence, may have been overestimated, the Orange influence was considerable and comparable to the Catholic influence in Quebec.[18]


In Montreal in 1853, the Orange Order organized speeches by the fiercely anti-Catholic and anti-Irish former priest Alessandro Gavazzi, resulting in a violent confrontation between the Scots and the Irish. St. Patrick's Day processions in Toronto were often disrupted or cancelled. Irish Catholics in Toronto were an embattled minority among a Protestant population that included a large Irish Protestant contingent strongly committed to the Orange Order.[19]


See also

Further reading

  • Akenson, Donald H. The Irish in Ontario: A Study in Rural History (McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984)
  • Cadigan, Sean T. (1991). "Paternalism and Politics: Sir Francis Bond Head, the Orange Order, and the Election of 1836". Canadian Historical Review. 72 (3): 319–347. doi:10.3138/CHR-072-03-02.
  • Clarke, B. P. Piety and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto 1850-1895 (1993).
  • Currie, Philip (1995). "Toronto Orangeism and the Irish Question, 1911–1916". Ontario History. 87 (4): 397–409.
  • Duncan, Kenneth. "Irish Famine Immigration and the Social Structure of Canada West," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12 (1965): 19-40
  • Elliott, Bruce S. Irish Migrants in the Canadas: A New Approach (McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988)
  • Hedican, Edward J. "What Determines Family Size? Irish Farming Families in Nineteenth-Century Ontario," Journal of Family History 2006 31(4): 315-334
  • Houston, Cecil J., and William J. Smyth. Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement. Patterns, Links and Letters (University of Toronto Press, 1990), geographical study
  • Houston, Cecil J. (1980). The sash Canada wore: A historical geography of the Orange Order in Canada. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-5493-5. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |ISBN status= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Jenkins, W. "Between the Lodge and the Meeting-House: Mapping Irish Protestant Identities and Social Worlds in late Victorian Toronto," Social and Cultural Geography (2003) 4:75-98,
  • Jenkins, W. "Patrolmen and Peelers: Immigration, Urban Culture, and the 'Irish Police' in Canada and the United States," Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 28, no, 2 and 29, no, 1 (2002/03): 10-29.
  • McGowan, M, G. The Waning of the Green: Catholics, the Irish, and Identity in Toronto 1887-1922 (1999)
  • Magocsi, Paul Robert, ed. Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples (1999), comprehensive scholarly guide to nearly all ethnic groups
  • Mannion, John J. Irish Settlements in Eastern Canada: A Study of Cultural Transfer and Adaptation (University of Toronto Press, 1974)
  • Murphy, Terrence, and Gerald Stortz, eds. Creed and Culture. The Place of English-Speaking Catholics in Canadian Society 1750-1930, (McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993)
  • Pennefather, R. S. (1984). The orange and the black: Documents in the history of the Orange Order, Ontario, and the West, 1890–1940. Orange and Black Publications. ISBN 0-9691691-0-8. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |ISBN status= ignored (help)
  • Punch, Terence M. Irish Halifax: The Immigrant Generation, 1815-1859 (Halifax: International Education Centre, Saint Mary's University, 1981);
  • See, Scott W. (1983). "The Orange Order and Social Violence in Mid-nineteenth Century Saint John". Acadiensis. 13 (1): 68–92.
  • See, Scott W. (1993). Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social Violence in the 1840s. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-7770-6.
  • Senior, Hereward (1972). Orangeism: The Canadian Phase. Toronto, New York, McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ISBN 0-07-092998-X. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |ISBN status= ignored (help)
  • Toner, Peter M. "The Origins of the New Brunswick Irish, 1851," Journal of Canadian Studies 23 #1-2 (1988): 104-119
  • Wilson, David A. (ed.) (2007). The Orange Order in Canada. Four Courts Press. ISBN 978-1-84682-077-9. {{cite book}}: |first= has generic name (help); Unknown parameter |ISBN status= ignored (help)
  • Wilson, David A. "The Irish in Canada (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1989), short overview

Notes

  1. ^ Taïeb Moalla, Les Irlandais du Québec : à la croisée de deux cultures, in Tolerance.ca, retrieved on February 3, 2007
  2. ^ Taïeb Moalla, Les Irlandais du Québec : à la croisée de deux cultures, in Tolerance.ca, retrieved on February 3, 2007
  3. ^ Michael R. Redclift, "Community and the Establishment of Social Order on the Canadian Frontier in the 1840s and 1850s: An English Immigrant's Account," Family and Community History 2003 6(2): 97-106
  4. ^ Murray W. Nicolson, "The Irish Experience in Ontario: Rural or Urban?" Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire Urbaine 1985 14(1): 37-45
  5. ^ Livio Dimatteo, "The Wealth of the Irish in Nineteenth-Century Ontario," Social Science History 1996 20(2): 209-234
  6. ^ Peter Baskerville, "Did Religion Matter? Religion and Wealth in Urban Canada at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: An Exploratory Study," Histoire Sociale: Social History 2001 34(67): 61-95
  7. ^ Adrian Ciani, "'An Imperialist Irishman': Bishop Michael Fallon, the Diocese of London and the Great War," CCHA Study Sessions (Canadian Catholic Historical Association) 2008 74: 73-94
  8. ^ "Canada to have first Gaeltacht." Irish Emigrant Jan 2007.
  9. ^ Tim Pat Coogan, "Wherever Green Is Worn: The Story of the Irish Diaspora", Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
  10. ^ Terrence M. Punch, "Finding Our Irish," Nova Scotia Historical Review 1986 6(1): 41-62
  11. ^ Eldon Hay, "Cornwallis Covenanter: The Reverend William Sommerville," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 1995 37(2): 99-116
  12. ^ Terrence M. Punch, "The Irish Catholic, Halifax's First Minority Group," Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly 1980 10(1): 23-39
  13. ^ Steve Murdoch, "Cape Breton: Canada's 'Highland' Island?" Northern Scotland 1998 18: 31-42
  14. ^ George Sheppard, "Starvation, Moral Ruin and a Frozen Grave: An Irish View of Victorian Canada," Beaver 1990 70(5): 6-14
  15. ^ Michael Cottrell, "The Irish in Saskatchewan, 1850-1930: A Study Of Intergenerational Ethnicity," Prairie Forum; 1999 24(2): 185-209
  16. ^ Scott W. See, "'An Unprecedented Influx': Nativism and Irish Famine Immigration To Canada," American Review Of Canadian Studies 2000 30(4): 429-453
  17. ^ Willeen G. Keogh, "Contested Terrains: Ethnic and Gendered Spaces in the Harbour Grace Affray," Canadian Historical Review 2009 90(1): 29-70
  18. ^ Cecil Houston and William J. Smyth, "The Orange Order and the Expansion of the Frontier in Ontario, 1830-1900," Journal of Historical Geography 1978 4(3): 251-264
  19. ^ Rosalyn Trigger, "Irish Politics on Parade: The Clergy, National Societies, and St. Patrick's Day Processions in Nineteenth-Century Montreal and Toronto," Histoire Sociale: Social History 2004 37(74): 159-199.